Soldiers don't matter in this country, Former Army Chief Gen VK Singh laments

The full Video here: 
http://www.ndtv.com/video/player/ndtv-special-ndtv-24x7/ex-army-chief-vk-singh-on-whether-he-ll-run-against-sonia-gandhi/289063?curl=1378178236

FULL TRANSCRIPT

Nitin: It's been more than a year that General V.K. Singh retired as India's Army Chief.  But controversies don't seem to leave him. He is at the centre of one controversy or the other. He is subjected to intense scrutiny for his pronouncements, his conduct, his associations. Thank You General for your time.

We have spoken earlier when you were in service. But after getting out of service, after retirement as Army Chief, you still continue to be in intense focus of public scrutiny. What is it that makes you a controversial figure in  many people's eyes?

V.K. Singh :  I really don't know if there is any controversy.  But yes....I think some people deliberately want to create controversy. Others probably haven't seen people working on social forums. So they are intrigued and they think what actually is happening. I don't think there is any controversy. I decided that for 42 years I have taken from the society and this is give back time . So I have perceived lot of things because 98 per cent of the army comes from the rural background. I picked up the causes of the farmers and it proved to be very fruitful.  I have been talking to the youth. They are the future. The more motivated they are the better for the country. I have been trying to get the ex servicemen together  because I think we are a forgotten community. Unfortunately in the great nation of ours, soldiers don't matter. 

Nitin: That's an important point. Normally soldiers have tended to or even the generals who have retired or even admirals or Air Marshals have tended to fade away and have gone into their cocoon. You are perhaps one of the rare people of late who have still tried to do public service or at least try to give back as you said to the society.  What are you doing  in terms of ex servicemen welfare  or getting the ex servicemen together?

V.K.Singh : See, my aim was to get  ex servicemen under one umbrella. So last July we formed a organisation called Proud Citizen Soldier Front.  or Swabhimani Samaj Sainik Manch. The aim was  that we   come together under one umbrella... everybody under it, talk of macro issues.

Nitin: So some might then accuse you of trying to capitalise on your standing, your popularity for political end.  Is that something you are looking at, career in politics?

V.K. Singh: Nitin, they have accused me of all kinds of things. I am actually not bothered about that. Ok...Small minds only think of small things. You know why the soldier community is not being catered or cared for ? They are not a vote bank.

Nitin: Are you trying to convert them into a vote Bank?

V.K.Singh: No, But I am trying to  get them to speak in a voice that people listen. After all you just go back to the days when the postal ballot system was there. Whether it reached or not nobody was concerned! In fact local politicians were very happy that some postman goes and dumps it to the nearest village or put outside the village or into a well. So I think the time has come  that people realise that here is a lot of 60,000 people, well trained, well disciplined, well motivated who must be used. And nobody seems to be wanting to do it because there is an apathy there is a general feeling ...Ok..they have .... I mean  like that the great minister of Bihar.... I mean I am horrified. It is high time that the veterans voice is heard. If they become a vote-bank so be it. How does it make a difference? 

Nitin: Correct...

V.K.Singh: I mean you have got a jhuggi jhopri vote bank...Why can't the ex servicemen vote bank be there?

Nitin: Sure 

V.K. Singh: I mean why should it scare people? 

Nitin: It does scare people but also what scares people is unpredictable nature of your trajectory post retirement in the sense that you went to Anna Hazare, you  associated yourself with him....you are still with him....What are the compulsions or  let me say what is the vision you have in terms of associating yourself with Anna Hazare?

V.K.Singh: You know the unpredictability is only in the mind. And in any case....one of the things which you win the war is the unpredictability... 

Nitin: You are applying those principles here.....

V.K.Singh:  No, no nothing like that. The thing is that I picked up the farmers causes because most of our soldiers come from that background. And then I decided that Anna who had been abandoned by lot of people and who is a genuine person needs to be taken up all over  again so that he can bring  about a good change in the society. So I associated with him. We made a thing called Janatantra morcha and if you go to our website jantantramorcha.org, there are 25 do-ables that we have put out there which will change the face of this country. 

Nitin: Is fighting elections one of the do-ables?

VK Singh: No...election is nowhere in our mind. With Anna all  that we are trying to do is create an awareness ....create an awakening...that friends, time has come to  wake up. 

Nitin: That brings me you know one or two causes  that you took up immediately after retirement....One was the nuclear power station in Haryana in which you are trying to oppose and you said "we will gherao the Parliament" which was seen as something which is not in form in the sense that a former chief of the army trying to undermine the temple of the democracy ...something of that kind .. What do you have to say about that because you have never spoken about it? 

V.K.Singh: See, I think people twist everything.  Gherao does not mean that you are going to stand holding hands and encircle the Parliament...It just means that  you are going to protest at the Parliament. 

Nitin: Do you think if you look back at the last 2 years or 3 years as Army chief and now as a former Army chief for last one year have you been misunderstood in the sense that look at the defamation case against you for instance...which has been filed against you in a lower court which goes on and on and now we keep hearing various remarks from various people that you overstepped your brief or your authority as Army Chief in issuing that press release. What made you first of all issue that press release  and where does the matter stand now?

V.K.Singh: A thing comes on the press  that Army is bugging. Army has got equipment to carry out surveillance and they are listening to all the conversations of political system and the Raksha Mantri.. There cannot be anything more preposterous than that. 

Nitin: Why did it come up?

V.K.Singh: I am telling you... there was a person involved The press release was issued after checking things...We checked up as to who was behind it and we identified the person. Misunderstandings are created deliberately by people who hobnob with certain journalists who seem to be having an axe to grind and there are some of them very prominent ones. Why the axe is there to grind whether it is because they have been bought  over or something else I really can't comment on. But it appears quite obvious.  In this particular instance there was you know banner headlines 'Army is spying, Army is bugging, Army is doing A, B and C'.  It was bringing down the image of the army. Army of this nation does not do such things and to ensure that the image of the army is protected we issued a clarification after checking details.  If somebody thinks it is defaming  I think he is out of his mind. ....totally out of his mind.

Nitin: But, is there such a equipment available with the Army which was misused?

V.K.Singh: That is what the whole funny thing about it.  This equipment is with an agency called Defence Intelligence Agency which is under IDS(Integrated Defence Staff) and not under the  Army and the person who was involved in it has been part of DIA.  So he knew about this equipment and that is why he put out things this way. So I think people who are...who went by this and splashing the....and look at the papers which splashed it...and you will find the answer which I have been trying to tell. 

Nitin: But there is also the other controversy or other allegation which keeps coming up in certain section of the media  about the so called Technical Support division which you seemed to have set up on your own initiative, no clearance, autonomous independent or even rogue ....some people have called it.  Misuse of money....Initially it was 18 crores...now it is 8 crores.. What is the truth behind the so called TSD?

V.K.Singh: See I have tried to clarify it once earlier.  But I find same reports keep coming up.  In fact this great paper called Indian express  had done the same report  with just a minor variation of figure by the same reporter couple of months back. He has brought it up again. Same thing.....no change in it.  Just a minor variation ....so much for the journalistic talent  that this paper has.  TSD was set up after lot of discussion on the operational requirement. Lets understand it. It is in sync with the operational directive issued by the Raksha Mantri of this country. 

Nitin: The same Raksha Mantri...

V.K.Singh: The same Raksha Mantri. I can't you know verbatim tell you as to what the operational directive is but this was the requirement of the operational directive. The thinking on this started  with my predecessor. It was implemented when I came. Ok... It was called TSD for the want of a name which will give it a certain amount of anonymity. It has got nothing with  the technical work. It is all human intelligence. 

Nitin: It was supposed to be Ultra secret, low profiled...

V.K.Singh: not secret...

Nitin: Low profile perhaps....

V.K.Singh: Absolutely low profile and it was the part of the military intelligence, controlled by the military intelligence, not by the Chief of  Army Staff.  I mean some people have gone totally bonkers, out of their mind and it has been done deliberately. Because they couldn't find anything  or somebody has fed them ....these great people that  I spoke of. So they said OK...lets blow it up. And it is all vested interests.  Let me also assure you one thing  if they had not tinkered with the organisation lot of things that are happening on our borders today would not have happened and that's a guarantee I give. 

Nitin:  Please elaborate...you mean when you say on the border, was this agency designed to look at our adversaries or their weaknesses....something of that kind?

V.K.Singh: This agency was totally designed to look across the borders. It had nothing to do with the internal except if it found an external link which were doing things here. Except that and that too providing information of that to the required quarters. 

Nitin: But that is now been wound up. So do you think that our capabilities have been reduced?

V.K.Singh:  It has... If the Raksha Mantri has given you a directive and you are not following it and you are...you have gone into a cocoon  by seeing ghosts, then there is something wrong. 

Nitin: What about the charges of embezzlement and misuse of funds. How does one sort of reconcile with that?

V.K.Singh: Nitin, the unit is there...There is a  director general of military operations (intelligence) who gives them money. They deal with it. There is a procedure. I am quite sure you can find what is there. Now for a paper to say 8 crore is missing ...Have they seen the log books? Have they gone through the details?  They haven't.  No...I think lot of things that this paper has been doing  is totally wrong. 

Nitin: Lets move away from this paper...but generally  the feeling among lot of people and ex servicemen was that as a chief and also as the serving chief  and then now as the former chief  you have tended to speak  something which is not exactly in what is called in sync with the tradition and norms of the military leaders. Is that what you.....

V.K.Singh: Tradition and norms of the service tell you to speak the truth, be upright about it. Not hide facts  or take advantage of the system for the furtherance of your own rehabilitation later on. That is what the service norm is. Unfortunately people have forgotten this service norm. Had they all adhered to the service norm  we won't have the problems that are afflicting our armed forces today. How many people stood up to say  look here, this type of equipment that you are getting us is bad. We are not going to take it. How many people did it? 

Nitin: That brings me to what you wrote to the defence minister that time and that letter came into the media. You were accused of leaking it. For your own advantage.  But be that as it may,what you said about shortage is, is something we must worry about?

V.K.Singh: We must. That is why that letter went to the Prime Minister. Normally all Chiefs do write periodically to the Raksha Mantri. Once in a while to the Prime Minister about the concern... ( interrupts)

Nitin: Also that again you know, going back to the DIA, and also the TSD as well as the snooping equipment. The DIA handled the so called equipment for bugging or whatever 

V.K Singh: Not bugging, see they have got equipment which has got limited range 

Nitin: Right

V.K Singh: It is supposed to be deployed

Nitin: hmmm

V.K Singh: In areas which are... which allow them access to... listen to things across the border 

Nitin : Okay 

V.K Singh: Or into terrorist affected areas 

Nitin : So is the equipment which is there and you say it is with the DIA not the army

V.K Singh: Yes

Nitin: Was this brought up in any of the highest forums of the military chiefs or with Raksha Mantri, that you know this is not with us, we should have it or something of that kind or was it...

V.K Singh: No (interrupts) 

Nitin: ever..

V.K Singh: (interrupts)  No.. see what has happened is when the restructuring took place and the IDS was made that was the time DIA appointment came up and the assets that used to be under the army Sig Int ...

Nitin: The Signal unit you mean, the Signal intelligence?

V.K Singh: Yes it was, it is the tri-service organisation 

Nitin: Right

V.K Singh: You have got air force, navy, army  all three combined, it used to be under the army. It went under DIA 

Nitin: Okay 

V.K Singh: So all these resources and assets went under DIA. This particular technical cell functioning from the adjunct of the NSA had pointed out that this gentlemen who was the DG of DIA had made wrong purchases, purchases in excess of permission given or without permission

Nitin: (interrupts) I see...

V.K Singh: It had come up, it had come up to the chiefs of staff committee but somebody glossed over it 

Nitin: Oh...That's.. that's a serious charge (interrupts)

V.K Singh: It is (interrupts)

Nitin: And..this happened when you were in service (interrupts)

V.K Singh: Yes 

Nitin: I see...It was covered up in the chiefs of the staff committee?

V.K Singh: It was.. (interrupts)

Nitin: Oh.. (interrupts) That's very serious 

V.K Singh: It was covered up.

Nitin: hmm.. right. But now looking forward what are your plans for the organisation you have formed with Anna Hazare and how do you deal with the court cases, and  these allegations and these charges. Are you sometimes worried about the... you know the unnecessary attention that crop up because of these cases?

V.K Singh: No, I know that these cases have been put to harass me. I wouldn't be surprise if somebody else also starts some other case, if this finishes somebody else will start. This is all designed to create a harassment but one has to be mentally strong to take it on, where is the problem (laughs)

Nitin: (interrupts)  what about the organisation with Anna Hazare, what is, what are your plans?

V.K Singh: (interrupts) Our organisation with Anna Hazare, Jantantra Morcha is doing well. Our jantantra yatra is evoked tremendous response across the country. We have got 60,000 volunteers who are willing to give one year of their life for this cause and that is to create that awareness in the country as to what true democracy implies. 

Nitin: Will Jantantra Morcha then look at individual candidates and sponsor them, or you know approve them .. Is that something you are looking at?

V.K Singh: (interrupts) Janatantra Morcha will support people's candidates

Nitin: (laughs) but how will you decide on people's candidate ?

V.K Singh: (interrupts) people will decide. 

Nitin: Okay...

V.K Singh: People will decide. All that we are saying is the system today requires good people. It is not my belief that all people in politics are bad , 80 per cent people are good.

It is only 20 per cent people who twist the system. With this 80 per cent people and the other people in the society if we can bring about a change , I think that change will be for the better.

Nitin: (smiles) Okay, one final question, there was this report I think... you were not in the country that time that you were going to stand for elections against Sonia Gandhi in Rai Bareli. Whats that all about?

V.K Singh: (interrupts) I think... I think it is somebody's ripe imagination, putting out things and I believe India Today is one of them in this, which came out with this funny report

Nitin: (interrupts) No, I saw it in couple of other agencies also

V.K Singh: (interrupts) After that they start catching on  

N.G: Right..

V.K Singh: So... there's nothing in it. 

Nitin: There's no truth to it?

V.K Singh: No truth at all...because I don't know who has started it...

Nitin: Okay

V.K Singh: And as part of Janatantra yatra I haven't even visited Rai Bareli but think I should now!

Nitin: (interrupts) You should.. Okay but one more additional question although I said final question at that time... are you against the Congress? Because that's the feeling in the ruling party, the ruling ministers, ruling party ministers keep saying that he's now trying to get back at us because he, we didn't give him what he thinks was justice?

V.K Singh: I am against nobody. I am for a better India, if people are not providing that leadership and that vision and working for better India, I am against them. They can be from any party.

Nitin: On that note general thank you very much for your time

V.K Singh: Thank you 

Nitin: Its always a pleasure

The Best Hindi Film Songs? May not be, but here's the list of the one's I love!

Cricket, cinema and crime never fail to inspire cover stories in weekend supplements of daily newspapers. Given India's passion for stories from Bollywood, every once in a while magazines come up with "India's top 100 films," "India's best villains," India's most loved heroines."

And all of us, suckers for any Bollywood trivia, especially if it is related to what is generally described as "Golden Age" of the Hindi film music (1950-1975), lap it up. Little wonder than that the Hindustan Times' weekend supplement Brunch has come up with "The Greatest Bollywood Playlist Ever," (http://www.hindustantimes.com/Brunch/Brunch-Stories/The-32-most-loved-songs-of-all-time/Article1-1115529.aspx)  listing 32 top tracks this Sunday.

Why 32? There is no explanation for arriving at this particular number. It could have been top 50 or even 100 but that's theadvantage of coming up with issues like this. Completely subjective.

Like naming India's Dream Test Team or India's Best One-day Cricket team. Depending on who is compiling the list it could vary wildly. News Channels in India would testify that some of their most viewed programmes are based on Hindi film music.

Reading the cover story in Brunch this morning set me thinking about my own choice--if I was to make one--of the best 50 songs in Hindi films.

What criteria would I apply?

Melody certainly. Hummabality? For sure. Picturisation of the song? Most definitely. On which stars the song was picturised? May be. But most importantly perhaps it is the context and circumstances under which one has heard or seen the song. In the 1980s, when MP3 wasn't available or the I-pod was still on the drawing board, some of us music aficionados used to frequent music shops that sold cassettes of various compilations. So, we would go with our own listing and get it recorded to create  'exclusive' albums.  I still have those 'albums' which need to be converted into CDs but my laziness has so far ensured they still remain boxed in in old steel trunks!

So what is my list? In no particular order here it is.

1. Dil Lagakar hum yeh samjhe--Zindagi aur Maut (1965)
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CJ08qKHbmMI)

2. Tujhe kya sunao mein dilruba--Aakhri Dao (1953)
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jfBBDTKkYwI)

3. Paas baitho tabiyat bahal jayegi--Punar Milan(1964)
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C2L18SWM2Ac)

4. Mein Apne aap se ghabara gaya hoon--Bindiya (1960)
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5BitRFU0jzg)

5. Jaag dile diwana, rut jaagi--Oonche Log (1965)
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9n6hoIp6Quc)

6. Dil beqarar sa hai--Ishaara (1964)
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gOJUueENq-w)

7. Mein nigahen tere chehre se--Aap ki Parchayian (1964)
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ADiu3W1vgOM)

8. Tere paas aake mera waqt gujar jaat hein--Neela Aakash (1965)
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1Zv5HeqAFkg)

9. Aaye bahar banke lubha kar chale gaye -Rajhath(1958)
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hHR3GMfNJ3A)

10. Yun Hasraton ke daag--Adalat(1958)
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OypGJJrizas)

Unko yeh Shikayat hai--Adalat (1958)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=widFH9cqkbQ

11. Rehte te kabhi jinke dil mein--Mamta(1966)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=szPnGL5y-gY)

12. Rim jhim gire Saawan--Manzil(1979)
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dcLQ7AwRAjk)

13. Diye Jalte hain phool khilte hai--Namak Haram(1973)
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BBituRMF4ww)

14. Raat kali ek khawb mein aaye--Buddha Mil gaya(1971)
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jFYlChHSdzo)

15. Simti si, sharmayee si--Parwaana(1971)
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EZEP49u5UhQ)

16. Ek Hassen Shaam ko dil mera kho gaya--Dulhan Ek raat ki(1971)
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hf4ihEuYc_E)

17. Aaj ki Raat mere dil ki salami le le--Ram aur Shyam(1967)
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KxIPfefIykM)

18. Paon choo lene do phoolon ko inayat hogi--Taj Mahal(1963)
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SuxkjdJXaxU)

19. Aaj koi pyaar se dil ki baate--Sawan ki Ghata (1966)
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FYRL1zLCP0k)

20. Tum ne mujhe dekha--Teesri Manzil (1966)
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7je0OfE8pZU)


Now, most of these songs may have figured in the Brunch cover story. Or may not even figure among the favorites of other music buffs but there they are as MY bunch of selection. Can there be dispute on them? You may not like my selection but like these songs playing on my juke box. And thousands of others.

Why do I like them? For a variety of reasons. Take the 1st song on this list. It has Pradeep Kumar and Fariyal (yes the same Fariyal, who later specialised in enacting a vamp) in the lead role. The movie was no great shakes but the song stuck in my sub-conscious musical mind and remained there after I first heard it years ago! Or take the song Paas baitho ( No. 3 on this list). Jagdeep (Surma Bhopali of Sholay fame) is singing it for Ameeta, arguably never a front line leading lady but I love the song. Or to take the example of Tujhe kya sunao mein dilruba (No. 2 here from Aakhri Dao). It has a non-entity called Shekhar singing the song on screen for a young Nutan. Shekhar vanished into oblivion but Nutan went on to become a star and an actress, one of our finest.

We normally associate Feroz Khan with macho roles (Kala Sona, Dharmatma, Quarbani, Apradh etc). But much before that he got a chance to lip-sync Jaag Dil e diwana, rut jagi (in Oonche Log), one of the most romantic songs in my book. Navin Nischol, who rose to be star very briefly in the early 1970s got two of the best songs to perform on screen--Raat Kali Ek khwab mein aaye (Budhha Mil Gaya) and Simti Si, sharmaee si (Parwana). Incidentally in Parwana Amitabh Bachchan had a minor, negative role!

One can go on and on about which songs are the best and which music composer or singer were the most popular. The fact is, like beauty lies in the eye of the beholder, appreciation of a piece of music, song or composition, is entirely an individual choice. I can for instance tell you that I never tire of listening to all songs of Guide, Anand, Amar Prem, Tere Mere Sapne, Jewel Thief, Mere Jeevan Saathi, Phir Wahi Dil Laya Hoon, Kashmir Ki Kali, An Evening in Paris, Half Ticket, Chalti ka Naam Gadi, Anand, Mili, Prem Pujari, Gambler...or for that matter Bhimsen Joshi's abhangs, Bismillah Khan's shenai and Sanjeev Abhyankar's classical renditions.

At some point, I like to listen only to Sudhir Phadke's Geet Ramayan or Marathi bhaav geets. Some other time, RD Burman's Bengali compositions for Durga Puja festivities are my preferred choice. Music has no barriers. That's the truth.

I enjoyed the list put out by Brunch. And I will continue to enjoy any such list put out by any body else. Ultimately however, I will listen to what my mood dictates. That's the beauty of music.

Play on.
 

The Veiled Vipers land at DBO!

IAF C 130J-30 SUPER HERCULES MAKES AN HISTORIC LANDING AT DAULAT BEG

OLDIE (DBO)

In a significant capability demonstration move by the IAF, a C 130J-30 Super Hercules

aircraft landed at Daulat Beg Oldie (DBO), the  highest airstrip in the world  at 0654 hrs today.

The Commanding Officer Group Captain Tejbir Singh and the crew of the “Veiled Vipers”

along with senior officer of Air Headquarters touched down on the DBO airstrip located at

16614 feet (5065 meters) in the Aksai Chin area after taking off from their home base at

DBO is an important Army forward area post which links the ancient silk route to china.

This base was built during the Indo-China conflict in 1962 and came into prominence when

Packet aircraft of the IAF operated from DBO between 1962 and 1965. Once again this

strategic base in the Northern Himalayas gained importance when it was resurrected and

reactivated by the IAF along with the Indian Army and made operational when a twin engine

AN 32 aircraft from Chandigarh landed there after a gap of 43 years.

Considering the very limited load carrying capability of AN 32 and helicopters, a

decision was taken by the IAF to land the C130J-30 aircraft  which is capable of lifting upto 20

tonnes of load. With this enhanced airlift capability the IAF will now be in a better position to
meet the requirements of our land forces who are heavily dependent on the air bridge for
sustainence in these higher and inhospitable areas.
The tactical airlift aircraft of the special operations squadron the  “Veiled Vipers” which

is capable of undertaking quick deployment of  forces in all weather conditions, including

airdrops and landings on unprepared or semi prepared surfaces created history today by
landing at this altitude and hostile terrain conditions. This achievement qualifies for the world
record for the highest landing by an aircraft of this class. Incidentally, this was the same
aircraft and crew that operated at Dharasu during “Op Rahat” for the Uttarakhand flood relief.
Today’s achievement will enable the forces to exploit the inherent advanced
capabilities of the aircraft by increased capability to induct troops, improve communication
network and also serve as a great morale booster  for maintenance of troops positioned
there. It is also a projection of the fact that the IAF is capable of operating in such inhospitable
terrain in support of the Indian Army.

Looking East through the military lens

(http://thediplomat.com/2013/08/16/indias-growing-military-diplomacy/?all=true)

As part of its Look East policy, India has been boosting military ties throughout East Asia.

For years the Indian security establishment has been excessively obsessed with Pakistan and the proxy war it has waged against India. Over the past half a dozen years, the focus has gradually shifted to meeting the rising challenge posed by China’s rising military capabilities in Tibet.

Apart from two new army divisions now deployed in the country’s north-east after they were sanctioned in 2009, the Indian Cabinet has also a fortnight ago cleared a new mountain strike corps specifically meant for offensive operations against China. The new formation, which is likely to cost well over $10 billion, will take at least seven years to be fully functional according to current assessments. Given the long and drawn out border dispute with China, Indian policymakers have naturally tended to think “continentally” and looked at countering China on land.

That may however be changing too. As part of its two decade-old Look East policy, India has substantially stepped up engagement with East Asian and ASEAN nations. Last December, during an India-ASEAN Commemorative summit, the relationship was elevated to a strategic partnership.

As Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh declared in Phnom Penh in November 2012: “India and ASEAN should not only work for shared prosperity and closer links between our peoples, but also to promote peace, security and stability in the region. I am happy to note our growing engagement in areas such as defence, maritime security and counter-terrorism.”

Although never explicitly stated, ASEAN and East Asian nations want New Delhi to be a counterweight to increasing Chinese footprints in the region. Philippines, Thailand, Indonesia and, particularly, Vietnam and Myanmar have time and again pressed India to help them both in terms of military training and weapons supply.

Myanmar’s Navy Chief, Vice Admiral Thura Thet Swe during his four-day visit to India in late July held wide-ranging consultations with top officials from the Indian Ministry of Defence. Apart from increasing the number of training slots of Myanmarese officers in Indian military training establishments, India has agreed to build at least four Offshore Patrol Vehicles (OPV) in Indian Shipyards to be used by Myanmar’s navy.

In the recent past, despite its military junta’s perceived closeness to China, Myanmar had sourced 105 mm artillery guns, mortars, armored personnel carriers and rifles from India. But now it wants India to do more. In the near future, air force personnel, especially helicopter pilots, are likely to train in India in larger numbers. Even as Myanmar opens up to the world, its military is moving closer to India than ever before. That all three Indian service chiefs visited Myanmar in the past one year is testimony to India’s military diplomacy with Southeast and East Asian nations.

But it is Vietnam more than any other country in Southeast Asia that India seeks to support and engage. Both India and Vietnam have long-pending territorial disputes with China. Both have long-standing ties, dating back to Jawaharlal Nehru’s time. So, for more than a decade now, India has been providing Vietnam with assistance in beefing up its naval and air capabilities. For instance, India has repaired and upgraded more than 100 MiG 21 planes of the Vietnam People’s Air Force and supplied them with enhanced avionics and radar systems. Indian Air Force pilots have also been training their Vietnamese counterparts.
The Indian Navy, by far larger than the Vietnamese navy, has been supplying critical spares to Hanoi for its Russian origin ships and missile boats. But New Delhi is now more open in supporting Hanoi.

As The Hindu recently reported: “In a first, India has offered a $ 100-million credit line to Vietnam to purchase military equipment. It will be used for purchasing four patrol boats. The credit line was agreed upon around the time India once again expressed its resolve to remain involved in oil exploration activity in the Phu Kanh basin of the South China Sea. Vietnam says it is within its rights to invite India to explore for oil in this area. But China claims that this basin is within the “nine dotted line” or its zone of influence.”

Going further East, India and Japan’s growing strategic ties are not lost on Beijing. Following a longish visit to Tokyo a week after his summit meeting with Chinese Premier Li Keqiang, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has ensured that India and Japan are in a tighter embrace than ever before. In fact, a former foreign secretary of India, Shyam Saran went so far as to declare: “If Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's visit to Washington in July 2005, with the announcement of the nuclear deal proved to be a game-changer in India's foreign policy his visit to Tokyo in May 2013 may assume similar significance.”

But it is not just Japan that is receiving attention from New Delhi. Australia, some distance away from the Indian subcontinent, has also become a favored destination for Indian foreign and military diplomacy. AK Antony became the first Indian defense minister to visit Australia in June. En route he had stopped over at Bangkok and Singapore.

New defense cooperation avenues are being explored even as India and Australia play an increasingly important role in issues concerning the Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean regions, both bilaterally and multilaterally. Both are members of the East Asia Summit (EAS), ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting-Plus (ADMM-Plus), Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS) and the Indian Ocean Rim ‑ Association for Regional Cooperation (IOR-ARC). 
 
The Indian military, generally working in isolation from the rest of the governance structure, is coming into its own in establishing lasting relationships with countries outside its traditional zone of influence. If New Delhi can sustain this newly acquired momentum, India’s military diplomacy is likely to play an increasingly important role in the country’s outreach in East and Southeast Asia over the next decade. New Delhi has, however, been careful not to trumpet this development, lest it raise China’s hackles.

Marginalising the soldier not good for nation's health

(http://www.fairobserver.com/article/indian-armys-role-nation-building)

India's army has seen its role as the nation’s “ultimate weapon” diminish.

The Indian nation should have been able to look back at the country’s journey from 1947 and justifiably feel proud of the progress it has made so far. Unfortunately, the overwhelming mood in India today is that of gloom, despondency, and low self-confidence.

Institutions have been systematically emasculated, some even destroyed. The country’s economy is in the doldrums. The rupee is in a free fall. Experts say that the economy will improve and the rupee will also recover.

Since I have no expertise in those matters, I am willing to go with the optimism of the sarkari experts. But as a student of India’s armed forces, my worry is more long term and I am going to try and highlight the dangers inherent in this development.

The Soldier
It essential to understand why the soldier (in the broader sense) is pivotal for the wellbeing of a nation-state. Military scholars may quote Sun Tzu often when it comes to military strategy, but my favorite is the worldly-wise Chanakya. Centuries ago he toldthe king of Magadh:
"The Mauryan soldier does not himself the Royal treasuries enrich nor does he the Royal granaries fill... The soldier only and merely ensures that... He is thus the very basis and silent, barely visible cornerstone of our fame, culture, physical well-being and prosperity; in short, of the entire nation building activity.

The Indian nation state has, however, forgotten Chanakya’s advice. The Indian soldier today stands at the crossroads, confused about his status in the society and unsure about his own role in a nation led by “faux peaceniks” who will compromise national security for short-term gains like a Nobel Peace Prize. The havoc wrought by an indifferent polity and insensitive bureaucracy to India’s armed forces and changing societal norms, has hit the ordinary soldier hard.

The society no longer respects the soldier and his work in protecting the nation. They may pay lip service in times of crisis but that’s it. Bihar politician Bhim Singh’s utterly tasteless remark that “people join armed forces to die,” in the wake of the killing of five Indian soldiers on the line of control, is symptomatic of the bitter reality. Although forced to withdraw his remark, the Bihar politician symbolizes how a large section of Indian society view soldiering.

An Ultimate Weapon
A local politician, a thanedar, seems to command more clout in society today. This has often led to a loss of self-esteem among ordinary soldiers. A recent movie called Paan Singh Tomar depicted, in some measure, the humiliation that a soldier faces in the civilian environment, both while serving and after retirement from the armed forces.

And yet, from disaster relief in floods, tsunamis and earthquakes, to rescuing an infant prince from a deep tube well, and from quelling rioters in communal strife to being the last resort in internal counter-insurgency operations, the Indian Army is omnipresent. It is, what I have said time and again, India’s Brahmaastra — an ultimate weapon.

The versatility, adaptability, selfless attitude and resourcefulness of the Indian Army have allowed it to be what it is today: nation builders. Viewed in the context of India’s immediate and extended neighborhood, the Indian Army’s stellar role stands out in stark contrast to its counterparts in other countries.

Remember, Indian and Pakistani armies originated from the same source: the British Army. And yet, six decades since they parted ways, there couldn’t be a bigger dissimilarity in the way the two have evolved. As they say, India has an army while the Pakistani Army has a nation.

Despite India’s increasing dependence on the army to pull its chestnuts out of the fire time and again, the Indian Army has scrupulously remained apolitical. It has put down fissiparous and secessionist forces within India with great cost to itself over these 66 years. It has protected India from within and without.

The Indian army also has a unique distinction of helping create a nation (Bangladesh) in the neighborhood and then quietly walking away to let the people take charge. By contrast, the Pakistani Army has never really allowed democracy to flourish in its country. Instead, it has created a military-industrial complex that has spread its tentacles in every aspect of governance. Even today, the Pakistani Army does not let go of any opportunity to undercut democracy; it nurtures and treats jihadi elements as its strategic asset against India and the United States.

Even in other smaller nations around India — Nepal, Myanmar and Bangladesh, for instance — the armed forces have had to intervene and run the affairs of those countries at some point.

So who or what makes the Indian Army so distinct? Simply put, its leaders and its men and their ethos of “service before self.” From the early days of independence, Indian military leaders — stalwarts like KM Cariappa, Rajendra Singhji, KS Thimayya and later Sam Maneckshaw — led the forces from the front and provided a strong moral center that has remained more or less in tact; some very regrettable instances of moral and monetary corruption notwithstanding.

Since independence, one institution that has remained absolutely free of communalism and divisive tendencies is the Indian Army. When caste and religious differences have beset the country’s politics and society at large, the army has stood firm against these divisive forces. It has thus stood the test of time and has consistently upheld and protected the nation’s constitution with unflinching loyalty, making a major contribution in nation building in the first six decades of India’s existence as an independent, sovereign nation.

Civilian Control
However, as India marks its 66^th anniversary, I am not so sure if this great institution can withstand the buffeting it receives both from within the Ministry of Defense and beyond.
Why has this happened? Mainly because inIndia, civilian control of the military has become synonymous with bureaucratic control. The political executive, barring a handful, neither has the knowledge nor any interest in military matters, and therefore, it depends completely on inputs from the bureaucrats who continue to mold the political leadership’s thought process according to their own perceptions on governance and administration.

Admiral Arun Prakash, former chief of naval staff and a prolific commentator on national security affairs, has this to say about the equation between the Ministry of Defense and Service Headquarters: "Two major factors have contributed to the systemic dysfunctionality that we see in the management of national security affairs. First is politician’s detachment and indifference towards matters relating to national security, because this is not an issue that can win or lose votes. "Since politicians have not considered it worthwhile establishing close and cordial relations with the leadership of the armed forces, it is not surprising that when faced with a crisis or problem, politicians finds themselves at a complete loss. A related factor is the total reliance that the politician places, for advice, decision-making and problem resolution on transient, generalist MoD civil servants, drawn from diverse backgrounds. This, despite the chiefs and the highly specialized Service HQ (SHQ) staffs being at his disposal for tendering advice in the management of national security."

The effort to cut defense services down to size had begun immediately after independence. Before 1947, the status of the commander in chief (C-in-C) in India was second only to that of the Viceroy. As a member of the Viceroy's Executive Council, he was also the de facto defense minister. He was served by his uniformed principal staff officers (PSOs) and the defense secretary who, incidentally, was below the PSOs in the order of precedence. The role of the Defense Department was not to examine proposals, or to sit in judgment over the Army Headquarters, but was restricted to issuing orders in the name of the Government of India.

Sixty-six years after independence, it is no secret that the political-military interface is all but absent in India’s institutional set up. The armed forces are completely under the day-to-day as well as policy control of the MoD. The desirable politico-military interface is now reduced to weekly, sometimes fortnightly meetings chaired by the defense minister. According to several former chiefs I have spoken to, these meetings are informal, without any agendas or note taking and have no official status — although in theory, the defense minister is deemed to have given policy directions in these meetings.

Former Army Chief Gen. Padmanabhan, who led the army in the crucial period when India mobilized its entire military under Operation Parakram in 2002, has rarely written or spoken about matters of national security since his retirement in 2003.

However, in his book, published in 2005, Padmanabhan had this to say about meeting of service chiefs with the defense minister: “Even at the level of the defence minister and Service Chiefs, exchanges on major matters of defence policy were few and far between, the Defence Minister’s weekly meetings with the Service Chiefs being used to update the minister and equip him to negotiate questions in Parliament. Often, these meetings were deferred, as ‘more important’ activities claimed the time of the minister… The result was… the greater role and authority assumed by the Defence bureaucracy. The Defence Secretary, with his nearness to the Defence Minister, often began to exercise power on the minister’s behalf and was, quite often, regarded as de facto defence minister. The ‘supremacy of the civil over the military’ was thus effectively changed from supremacy of the political authority to that of the civilian bureaucracy.”

Over these six decades, the bureaucracy continued to acquire disproportionate powers vis-à-vis the service chiefs and now it’s a given that the defense secretary and not the service chiefs, is the single-point adviser to the cabinet on military matters. The defense and cabinet secretaries have a consistent interface with the political leadership, as the service chiefs attend the meetings of the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) only if invited.

So the defense secretary, a generalist IAS officer and not the military brass, is responsible for national defense as well as conduct of war. Under the current rules, the service chiefs have neither been accorded a status, nor granted any powers in the government edifice. In the process, it is the service chiefs who were marginalized from the decision-making bodies.

Resentment
While very few have been able to explain the real reason behind the antipathy against the military displayed by the civil bureaucracy and the political executive, my experience suggests that non-military personnel resent the armed forces because of their evidently orderly and efficient ethos, the tightly bound camaraderie, and their distinct standing in the society. And this is not unique to India. Renowned sociologist Morris Janowitz had famously said: “The intimate social solidarity of the military profession is both envied and resented by civilians.”

So is there a way out of this logjam? Can the status quo ever be broken?

Historically, it is to the credit of the Indian Armed Forces that they have fulfilled their assigned role as an organ of the state, that they have functioned effectively in every role, despite a general lack of a supportive government environment by way of adequate finances, resources, equipment, personnel policies, or higher political direction.

Yet though the average Indian soldier remains as hardy as before, he is certainly confused with the pace of change occurring all around him. It is here that the leaders — the officers — will have to adapt themselves to the new reality. The age-old system of regimental traditions and values is robust and serves to develop camaraderie and loyalty between the led and the leader even now. The new fashion to dismiss these ideas as outdated must be arrested. Military ethos is not developed overnight and is certainly not imbibed by pandering blindly to the changes in society. The overwhelming trend to be a “careerist” must be eliminated.
The desire to advance one’s career at any cost, to strive for promotion, even by cutting corners along with the crave for awards as a means to boost chances of attaining the next rank, has become a rampant practice among the officer class. Self-preservation has exaggerated that protection and advancement of career at all levels seems to have become a sine qua non for most officers. That must change. And that change must come from the top.
As the wise sage had said to the king: “While the Magadha citizenry endeavours to make the State prosper and flourish, the Mauryan soldier guarantees that the State continues to exist!”

Can we, people in uniform, civil services, politics, media and society at large, imbue this spirit and make the soldier — our bulwark against any potential threat — stronger?

Now to build two more N-subs quickly

With its nuclear reactor going "critical" on Friday night, INS Arihant (Sanskrit for Destroyer of enemies), India's first indigenously developed nuclear-propelled and in the future nuclear-armed submarine has reached a significant landmark. It has certainly taken much longer than desirable. 

The project, earlier known as ATV (Advanced Technology Vessel), began way back in 1998 but picked up pace only in the mid-2000s. In 2009, it was launched by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's wife Gursharan Kaur at a ceremony in Vizag, headquarter of India's Eastern Naval Command.

Those associated with the projected from its inception will be satisfied professionals today. Indian Navy designers, engineers, scientists of the Department of Atomic Energy, Defence Research and Development (DRDO) and most importantly private sector companies led by the redoubtable Larsen & Toubro (L&T) deserve heartfelt thanks from the nation from having achieved the milestone. 

In a rare public comment, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh too has congratulated those associated with the project. He said: "I am delighted to learn that the nuclear propulsion reactor on board INS Arihant, India’s first indigenous nuclear powered submarine, has now achieved criticality. I extend my congratulations to all those associated with this important milestone, particularly the Department of Atomic Energy, the Indian Navy and the Defence Research and Development Organization.

"Today’s development represents a giant stride in the progress of our indigenous technological capabilities. It is testimony to the ability of our scientists, technologists and defence personnel to work together for mastering complex technologies in the service of our nation’s security.

"I look forward to the early commissioning of the INS Arihant."

That's the next important step. Now that the reactor is a "go" the submarine will make shallow dives, complete the deep diving trials and prepare for the weapon trials of the torpedoes and missiles with dummy warheads to be ready for commissioning. Once at sea, the vessel will be gradually loaded with weapons and missiles. Each test will be conducted underwater for two months or more. This will include the Submarine Launched Ballistic Missile (SLBM). In the past the Navy has carried out 10 underwater launches of SLBMs code named ‘B05’ using a submerged pontoon to mimic a submarine. So far the range has been 700 km, while the bigger variant, know as the ‘K-4’, is designed to hit targets 3,500 km away.

The boat will then be commissioned in to the Indian Navy.

Top government sources indicate it is likely to happen over the next few months. 

Like all professionals, the team that brought Arihant to this stage is now focused on the next two submarines in the series being built in the same shipyard. Their aim: Take the indigenous content of the next two nuclear submarines from the 40 to 60 and then to 70 per cent by the time the third submarine is ready for commissioning possibly by 2017. The combined team that has built Arihant is however proud of the fact that its digital control systems are designed competely locally which means no dependence on foreign vendors in this critical aspect.

According to Commodore Ranjit Rai, a former Director, Naval Operations and Naval Intelligence, this project has seen a huge collaborative effort.

Writing in a defence magazine some years ago, he had observed: "A large planning and design office called Akanksha (Hope) in New Delhi, has directed the ATV programme under the current Director General, retired Vice Admiral D S P Verma. Facilities at Vishakapatnam have been built by the DRDO, industry and the Indian Navy with BARC’s collaboration with funds and monitoring from the PMO.

"Two Admirals with technical expertise have headed the two large supporting complexes. One is the sprawling Defence Material Department (DMD) at Hyderabad, which collaborates with DRDO labs and BHEL for the heat exchanger turbine propulsion system, and MIDHANI for special steel requirements and other contractors. The large Submarine Building Centre (SBC), tucked behind high walls and barbed wires in the heart of Vishakapatnam, is where the hull was put together in sections provided from engineering and refinery reactor maker L&T. This company is investing heavily in ship building, and already has facilities at Hazira in Gujarat and Mazagon Docks in Mumbai (Bombay).

"Walchandnagar Industries provided the gear box and shafting as it does to Indian Navy’s Leanders. Bharat Electronics Ltd (BEL), another state-run company, is fitting out the USHUS sonar, radars and the Combat Management System along with Tata Power Ltd which has a tieup with BAE Systems for the control pedestal. KSB pumps and Jindal pipes have also played a significant role. The submarine is coated with rubber anechoic tiles supplied by a rubber vulcanising firm in Mysore to provide stealth qualities.

BARC, which steered the critical nuclear reactor installation programme in 1975, also manufactures and stores India’s fission and fusion atomic bombs. It has provided training to Navy’s technical officers in submarine nuclear technology.

"The ATV project has also set up a small submarine reactor training complex at Indira Gandhi Centre for Atomic Research (IGCAR), Kalpakkam, near Chennai with facilities to test the 80 MW–plus pressure water reactors before insertion into submarine hulls. The reactor is normally sealed into a 600-ton titanium shell of about 10 metres in diameter.

According to a former Indian Navy nuclear boat Captain with command of INS Chakra, “the nuclear submarine operates like any other under water boat, except that it can stay under water for months and it is imperative that the key members learn to operate the computer controlled nuclear power plant… Each crew member has to be aware of all the possible emergencies including emergency shut down that can take place in the ensconced nuclear reactor.”

With two more nuclear-powered, nuclear-armed submarines on their way, this public-private partnership can only get stronger. For the moment though, its time to savour a major milestone in Indian Navy's journey to becoming a powerful force in India's immediate and extended neighbourhood.

Nuclear reactor on INS Arihant goes critical; huge step forward for India's N-triad

Moving towards completing its nuclear triad, India tonight activated the atomic reactor on-board the indigenous nuclear submarine INS Arihant paving way for its operational deployment by the Navy soon.

Top government sources told me that all systems of the indigenously made nuclear reactor are "go" and the submarine will soon be launched to sea on the Eastern coast.

"We are gearing up for the sea trials of Arihant," the then DRDO chief V K Saraswat had told reporters in May.

Nuclear triad is the ability to fire nuclear-tipped missiles from land, air and sea. After the nuclear reactor is activated, the agencies concerned can work towards readying the warship for operational deployments soon.

According to earlier reports, the DRDO has also readied a medium-range nuclear missile BO-5 for deployment on the Arihant and its last developmental trial was held on January 27 off the coast of Vishakhapatnam.


So far, the US, Russia, France, China, and the UK have the capability to launch a submarine-based ballistic missile.

Though this comes as good news for India's defence capabilities, there is some concern over the overall strength of India's submarine fleet. India has 14 conventional submarines that run on either battery or diesel and are aging and outdated. Each of them will have completed the standard life-span of 25 years by 2017.

The nuclear submarine will help India achieve the capability of going into high seas without the need to surface the vessel for long durations.

Conventional diesel-electric submarines have to come up on surface at regular intervals for charging the cells of the vessel.