Monday, July 16, 2012

Naresh Chandra Task Force: Waste of national resources?


Note: At last some one in the armed forces has reacted to a piece I wrote last week

A single star officer, the author of this critique will remain unnamed since he continues to serve. Here's his detailed verbatim response.


Dear Nitin,

The recommendation to appoint Chairman COSC is a sham. There already exists one, so whats new? Oh, he have command and control over existing and proposed tri-service commands. It is a 'no go' because the Chairman will remain ever dependent on each of the services Army, Navy & IAF for its personnel requirements. Personnel of each service will be 'lobbyists' of respective Chiefs. And what a funny suggestion to rotate appointment of Chairman amongst three Services. Is COSC meant to become and function as a 'Coalition Govt' with the Prime/ Chief Ministership being rotated after fixed tenures.

Yet another opportunity to reform has been lost. National Security System does not have to depend on seeking Least Common Multiple (LCM)-solutions. It does not have to seek to appease lobbies and turfs.

The solution lies in:-

- Divesting the three Chiefs of operational command of forces. Let them be Chiefs of respective Staff - 'resource providers to joint operational/ strategic commands' - content with recruiting, training of personnel; holding and maintaining equipment; and executing related administrative functions

- Appoint CDS - to be chosen by the apex political auth (CCS) out of panel of names forwarded by the three Services. No rotation to appease services. Choice of apex political authority to be final.

- CDS, in peace time, only to exercise 'functional control' NOT 'operational control' of the 'joint strategic/ operational commands'. Operational Control to be exxercised by the CCS through RM, with CDS and NSA being 'advisors' to CCS. CDS may be specifically assigned 'operational command' over specified forces for specified durations, in times of crises, as deemed appropriate by the CCS.

- Institute following joint strategic/operational commands
  • SFC (Tri-service)
  • Special Operations Command (Tri-Service)
  • Cyber Command (Tri-Service)
  • Aerospace Command (Tri-Service)
  • Northern Command; for China Theatre of Operations  (Bi-Service, Army/IAF)
  • Western Command; for Pak Theatre of Operations) (Bi-Service, Army/IAF)
  • Eastern Maritime Command; for Eastern Sea-board and North-Eastern IOR (Tri-Service, Army/Navy/IAF)
    • ANC to be subordinated to this command
  • Western Maritime Command; for Western Sea-board and North-Western IOR (Tri-Service, Army/Navy/IAF)
  • Joint Training Command (Tri-Service)
  • Joint Logistics Command (Tri-Service)

- Joint Billets (appointments and positions to be tenanted in each of above commands from each of the three services must be identified and fixed; there should be no attempt at 'rotating' of appointments to appease concerned service.

- Each Command must be led by a 4-star rank; chosen by the CCS from amongst panel forwarded by each concerned service. Again, no attempt should be made at 'rotation' to appease concerned services. Once appointed, these 4 star generals must cease to belong to their parent service and not display respective badges of ranks or insignia of parent service (must never revert to parent service - they must retire from these posns unless appointed CDS).

Let us understand that there are no short-cuts to achieving synergy by attempting to appease the 'turf-masters'. The national security is onus of the apex political authority and must not be held ransom to the parochial interests of services or their chiefs. Also, at such apex level of management of national military security, there must not be attempts at distributing goodies equitably - choice made by the CCS must be considered optimal and final irrespective of whether Army or Navy or IAF gains or loses an additional general - At the national level, the sum total of these ranks will remain constant

The Committee has wasted precious national time

Sunday, July 15, 2012

Not the Guwahati city I knew



Having cut my professional teeth in the then sleepy, laid back Guwahati way back in 1983 and continued to live and work there till 2006, I always was proud about Assam's gentle, cultured people. Women, I told friends outside the state, had a higher status and greater respect in Assam than most other states.

After last Monday's shameful incident was aired on YouTube and NDTV, we decided to make it the first headline, my first internal mail instinctively said: "This is not the Assam I knew," so shocked I was.

And so was my wife. As friends called and we discussed the incident, she also remarked to someone on the phone, "Even at the height of the most violent insurgency in the 1990s, I never felt unsafe in Assam or Guwahati!"

So what has suddenly changed? And changed for the worse, so quickly?

Mind you, friends back there say this is not the first such incident. They are aware of at least three similar incidents in the past six months, reported in local media in bits and pieces. The victims have invariably been young women, dressed as a modern city woman would be. Each time they were abused, beaten black and blue, then humiliated by cops in police stations or, in one incident, by elderly women for daring to break the mould as it were.
 
Invariably, cameras of local news channels were instantly on the scene, recording the very public humiliation in either police stations or in a public place.

And then who can forget the most shameful incident of all, three or four years ago, when a young adivasi girl, on her first trip to the big city as part of an agitating group, was stripped naked, chased for nearly a kilometre and beaten until a good samaritan took his shirt off and covered her? And video cameras kept recording the chase.

The teenager may never get over what happened with her. Neither would perhaps the young victim in last Monday's shameful incident.

So why have things come to such a pass when in a supposedly civilised place like Guwahati a mob gathers around a hapless young woman, paws her, beats her, abuses her in the filthiest language possible?

I am neither a sociologist nor a pop psychologist. But my guess is: a culture of impunity has gripped the society in Assam at large. The absence of fear of law among lumpen elements is particularly noticeable in the past decade.

And that has happened because the police, at least a section of them have preferred to turn a blind eye to increasing incidents of petty crimes since they had got into the habit of looking the other way when underground outfits ruled the roost in the Nineties and first half a decade of this century. Worse, a section of police have got into a cosy relationship with militants-turned-big mafia under the patronage of some politicians further giving a fillip to the culture of impunity that has percolated down to the lowest strata of society.

As large scale central funds poured into the state in the post-insurgency period, availability of easy money started contributing to the rise of an alien culture in Guwahati. Wanton display of wealth led to emulation of all the negative traits of a big, bad metro. A simple, almost innocent city culture or its people did not have the bandwith to handle the abrupt change among some of its citizens.

As old notions clashed with the new morality, tensions have got exacerbated. Mushroom growth of media - both print and broadcast - has only added to the problem. 

Funded by dubious business houses and politicians, these media houses are forever looking to grab eyeballs and readers by any means. 
So some journalists have turned into voyeurs and vigilantes ever ready to 'expose' the wrong doings, the 'loose' morale displayed by the young and the restless, using the mob as prop for their stories, dispensing instant justice.

From all the information available at the moment, at least one journalist, coincidentally sitting in the vicinity of the pub where the young woman was also partying, was partly responsible in instigating the assembled mob and most certainly calling in the camera to film her humiliation.

It raises many uncomfortable questions about the media, and the new tendency amongst some of us to create news rather than report it.

Police, women's organisations and social bodies, all are currently investigating the incident. 

It is however incumbent upon all of us in the media, and especially our leading lights to thoroughly probe the role of the journalists and take as stringent action as possible, if found guilty.

We owe this to ourselves and to our audience.

Currently NDTV's Security & Strategic Affairs Editor, Nitin Gokhale lived and worked in Guwahati for 23 years before relocating to Delhi. 

Thursday, July 12, 2012

India needs more synergy among its armed forces



We do not know if the recommendations of the task force will ever be made public.

Nevertheless, from whatever little source-based information is available three recommendations stand out and are certainly worth implementing forthwith.

They are:

  • Appointment of a Permanent Chairman, Chiefs of Staff Committee (CoSC)
  • Integrate Service HQ and Ministry of Defence by allowing more cross-postings
  • Shift focus of India's national security strategy from Pakistan to China

While the shift in focus from Pakistan to China has been talked about and is being implemented in fits and starts for the past four or five years, the first two recommendations are worth deliberating in little more detail.

It is worth noting that the Task Force has NOT recommended a five star Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) since discussion on the creation of the post has created a lot of acrimony among the three forces ever since it was made exactly a decade ago.

While the Army has favoured the appointment of a CDS, envisaged as a single-point military adviser, the Navy has been ambivalent on the issue but it is the Air Force which has vehemently opposed the post. Former Air Chief, ACM PV Naik, in his last interview before demitting office last August had told me that the IAF opposes CDS in its 'present form.'

Aware of these inter-services dynamics, the Naresh Chandra Task Force has found a way around it by recommending creation of the post of Chairman Chiefs of Staff Committee, a four star officer, who will be in charge of the two existing tri-services commands-the Strategic Command Force (SFC) and the Andaman Nicobar Command (ANC).

The three service Chiefs will continue command and lead their respective services, the Task Force said.

The Permanent Chairman CoSC, according to the recommendation of the Naresh Chandra Task Force, will have a fixed tenure of two years and will be rotated among the three services.  This officer will be assisted by the existing Integrated Defence Staff (IDS), headed by a three star officer from any of the three services.

Over the past decade, the IDS has evolved in a barely workable tri-services structure with over 300 officers drawn from the three services trying to function as a cohesive unit tasked with evolving "jointness." On ground however, jointness or inter-operability has remained at best patchy. The Air Force in particular has resisted creation of a CDS fiercely, fearing that would be reduced to a supporting role.

The new recommendation seeks to overcome these differences. The Naresh Chandra Task Force has also recommended the creation of a separate Special Operations Command on the lines of the US structure since asymmetric threats are seen as the main challenge to India's national security in coming decades.

The Chairman Chiefs of Staff Committee, as recommended by the Task Force is thus supposed to command the two existing tri-services commands and also lead the Special Operations Command whenever it comes into existence.

The new post, the Task Force is hoping, will also bring in synergy in major acquisitions for all the three forces. Often, the three services have worked independently in procuring same set of equipment, duplicating work and creating separate infrastructure when synergy would have saved hundreds of crores of rupees.

Linked to this is the recommendation that more cross-postings of bureaucrats in service headquarters and service officials in the Ministry of Defence should take place starting from director level upwards and should go right up to the additional secretary level gradually. This, the Task Force felt, would help greater integration and faster decision making since technical and domain knowledge from both the civil and military side will be instantly available whenever necessary instead of putting every query on file thereby adding to delays.

Having mulled over some of these proposals, a thought comes to mind. Why not create two more tri-services commands and give some more work to the proposed Chairman, Chiefs of Staff Committee?

Given the frequency of cyber-attacks on India's IT infrastructure, creation of a cyber-command is only a matter of time. Then again, an aerospace command has been discussed at the highest levels for some years now but inter-services rivalry has prevented it from taking off. Along with the creation of the proposed Special Operations Command, why not create these two additional tri-service commands? And let the Army, Air Force and Navy be the lead service for a particular command?

The proposed Chairman Chiefs of Staff Committee can remain the head of these three commands with each of them being led by an Army Commander level officer. Given the experience and expertise available with the Army, it can take charge of the Special Operations Command, the IAF, with its domain knowledge, can take over the aerospace command and the Navy can lead the cyber command. The heads of these commands can have their second rung manned by two-star officers from each of the services so that they continue to have the benefit of expert advice from across the services but the overall responsibility must remain with the designated service.

Given that the existing tri-services commands go through painful changes each time their Commanders-in-Chief get rotated, making each of the service responsible for the proposed new commands will make their the working smoother and more efficient.

The new arrangement proposed by the Naresh Chandra Task Force, incomplete in itself can perhaps be better utilised in this manner.

Food for thought or a fanciful idea of an ill-informed hack?

Tuesday, July 10, 2012

ACRs show Army praised Purohit for infiltrating into SIMI. How did his links with Abhinav Bharat go unnoticed?



Link to web story: http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/why-lt-col-purohit-s-case-may-have-the-army-searching-for-cover-241428?pfrom=home-lateststories


Link to the video: http://www.ndtv.com/video/player/news/why-lt-col-purohits-case-may-have-the-army-searching-for-cover/238770?v_also_see


Mumbai: After a court of inquiry conducted in Mumbai, the Army has to decide whether there are enough grounds to dismiss Lt Col Prasad Purohit, who is in Taloja Jail, near Navi Mumbai. For the Army, the case is full of grey areas. Lt Col Purohit has been charged by Maharashtra's Anti-Terror Squad of belonging to extreme right-wing extremist group Abhinav Bharat, which allegedly planted a bomb in the state's Malegaon town in September 2008, killing six people.  

Lt Col Purohit has always claimed that he had kept his bosses in the loop on every intelligence operation that he undertook including infiltrating into the fledgling Abhinav Bharat.



Lt Col Purohit says he infiltrated the group because that was his job as a Military Intelligence officer. The Army says that's not correct. But there are documents that show that Lt Col  Purohit had earlier shared close ties with the Students Islamic Movement of India or SIMI, banned in 2001 as a terrorist organisation. An Annual Confidential Report (ACR)in NDTV's possession has a senior officer praising Lt Col  Purohit. "The officer has infiltrated the SIMI and other underground outfits in the region through his capabilities and go-getter attitude.

Dependable, Lt Col Purohit is a good team player." A year later,  a similar report said,  "...with the basic knowledge of Arabic language and Islamic culture, he provided valuable int (intelligence) on Tabliq-e-Jamat and MFO (Muslim Fundamentalist Organisations) which was well appreciated by the environment...." 


The Army has, however, refused to respond to NDTV's queries on these reports, raising this question:  Does the Army go beyond its mandate in keeping under-cover tabs on organisations even in non-combat areas? 


Lt. Gen RK Sawhney (retd), a former DG of Military Intelligence puts it in perspective: "Basically only in insurgency areas, Army goes ahead and does this job. There are not very clear cut rules .. there are grey areas when deployed in peace areas but if a piece of intelligence is available there are ways to share it and coordinate with other agencies." The Army will have to explain that while Lt Col Purohit's infiltration of organisations like SIMI was officially recognised, how did his activities in fraternising with right-wing groups go unnoticed?


Sunday, July 8, 2012

All you wanted to know about Kaziranga but didn't know where to ask


Assam's Kaziranga National Park is home to the largest concentration of one-horned rhinos in the world. In 2005, me and my closest friend, Samudra Gupta Kashyap, co-authored a coffee table book to celebrate the centenary of what we think is India's greatest conservation success story. Here are excerpts carried by Tehelka in 2005. Have pasted the first excerpt in full and given the links to the other three parts at the end.

Rediff.com also carried excerpts here: (http://specials.rediff.com/news/2005/mar/10sld.htm )

So read on to know more about Kaziranga, right now in the news for floods and death of 500 plus animals--incidentally nothing new for the Park!


Part I:  http://tehelka.com/story_main12.asp?filename=In060405Kazirangas_pride.asp 

Kaziranga’s pride

When wildlife all over the country is being trapped and slaughtered for money, the Kaziranga National Park in Assam stands as a symbol of hope, write Nitin A. Gokhale and Samudra Gupta Kashyap
Peaceful Co-existence: one-horned rhinos, wild buffaloes, deer and birds share the same space at the Kaziranga National Park
If Brahma is known as the creator of the Universe, then his son, the Brahmaputra, the mighty river that criss-crosses through Assam, can rightly be called the creator of Kaziranga. As the River Brahmaputra, which originates in the Mansarovar in the high altitudes of Tibet, comes down into Assam through the eastern Himalayas, it brings down large deposits of silt with its mighty current. What Kaziranga is today was perhaps once the main channel of the red river which habitually changed its course over the century due to earthquakes at various points of time.
This volatile movement of the river is surely responsible for the heavy deposition of silt and the simultaneous formation of beels of various lengths and depths in this area. The landmasses formed by the heavy deposition of silt in this riverine area thus gradually stabilised with the natural growth of saccharum and other grass species. The swift and unpredictable river still erodes a large portion of the land mass, particularly in those areas where bigger trees have not yet sprung up. Those who have observed Kaziranga over the past few decades have witnessed this on-going process of erosion and deposition of silt on the northern boundary of the park, which is the Brahmaputra river itself.
The Kaziranga National Park, whose area has gone up from the originally notified area of 428.7 sq km to the current 860 sq km today, lies between Latitude 26.04 N and 26.46 N and Longitude 93.08 E and 93.36 E. The terrain of the park is by and large flat with a gentle and almost imperceptible slope from east to west as also from north to south.
Since the area falls under a heavy rainfall zone, the mean annual rainfall between 1993 and 2003 has been 1881 mm. The rainfall is at its heaviest in the months from May to September which is also the flood season in the region, compelling the authorities to keep the park closed for visitors for nearly six months of the year. Therefore, the best time to visit the park is from November to May since the rains are scanty and the temperatures are pleasant. In December and January, the minimum temperature is known to have gone down to 11 degrees Celsius with the park often enveloped in dense fog during the night and early morning.
100 years of KAZIRANGA
Part one
Scientific studies have shown that the area under the Kaziranga National Park primarily consists of recent composite alluvial plains and flood plains. In an extensively researched Future Management Plan, Niranjan Kumar Vasu, the current director of the park, has given a detailed account of the geology of the area. “Lithologically, the Kaziranga formation is represented by grey silt and fine to medium sands which form the recent composite flood plain with numerous meander scars and scrolls, palacochannels and abandoned channels of the Kaziranga unit belonging to the Holocene period of quaternary ages (the most recent geological period during which modern human beings appeared and civilisation began). The soil overlying the sandy deposits at places is deep, while at some places it is of recent origin consisting of sand, devoid of any humus or decomposed organic matter. The soil at various places varies from sandy soil, sandy loam, clayey loam to purely clayey soil.”
Those who have visited the park frequently have noticed that the area is swampy and criss-crossed by a number of channels that originate from the Brahmaputra and flow out to it again. As a combined result of this criss-crossing, and earthquakes and silt deposits that come down from the Eastern Himalayas, Kaziranga is blessed with many permanent water bodies locally known as beels. The Brahmaputra follows a braiding pattern that has created numerous islands, which are locally called chars and chaporis.
Given its climate and terrain, Kaziranga is regarded as the largest undivided flood-plain grassland and forest area of the Brahmaputra Valley. As much as 64 percent of the original Kaziranga National Park area is grassland, while seven to eight percent comprises various water bodies like beels and river channels. The rest, which is nearly 28 percent, is covered with woodland. The physical features of the park apart, it also falls in the junction of the Australasia Flyway and the Indo-Asian Flyway, thus adding to the rich diversity in avi-faunal species. According to noted ornithologist Anwaruddin Choudhury, “Kaziranga is among the most important wintering grounds in the world for the Bar-headed Goose and Ferruginous Duck, of which the latter species is considered rare all over its range.”
Historically, this area bounded by the Brahmaputra on the north, river Kaliyani on the east, Karbi Anglong hills on the south and Koliabor in the west, used to be part of Khagorijan district of the Ahom kingdom till 1926. The eastern portion of present day Kaziranga was better known as Moriyahola and the western part as Bhogdwar. This area was an important transit post of the Ahoms whose messengers used to travel from Sivasagar to Guwahati and back, while an important officer of the naval wing used to operate from here. There was a reason for a naval officer to be posted here of course. Kaziranga, before the devastating earthquake of 1897, used to be at the confluence of two big rivers — Dihing and Luit — while the downstream portion was called Bornoi (big river) which we now know as the Brahmaputra.
When the British annexed Assam in 1826 following the Yandaboo Treaty with the Burmese who had earlier occupied large portions of the Ahom kingdom, they readjusted the boundaries and included this area in the newly-created Sibsagar district. In the new dispensation, the present-day Kaziranga then came to be known as Nam-Doyang. As tea was ‘discovered’ in 1836 (though it was already growing naturally in Assam and was being consumed by the locals), the British threw open the area for tea plantations resulting in large-scale destruction of forests. Some tea gardens that came up in the area are Hathikuli, Methoni, Diffloo, Naharjan, Ekrajan, Borchapori and Behora. All these gardens, owned by different companies, are now inseparable from Kaziranga. The late Forbes, who hosted Lady Curzon’s landmark visit in January 1905, was manager of the Naharajan tea estate that still exists close to the Park.
One of the earliest references about Kaziranga can be found in a book authored by a Britisher way back in 1800. Dr John Peter Wade, a surgeon attached to the first British military contingent that was dispatched to help the Ahoms fight the Burmese invaders, writes in his book An Account of Assam, first published in 1800: “Kaziranga lies to the east and south-east of Rungulighur; and Namdoyungh to the eastward above Khonarmook or Sonarmook; the country here is low, and subject to inundation. It extends about six miles in length, from the causeway to Bassa, and four in breadth to the foot of the mountains from Namdoyungh.”
Montogomery Martin in his book, Studies in Indian History, published in 1838, spells Kaziranga as Casirunga and repeats what Dr Wade had said 38 years before him... There is, however, no mention of wildlife or a rhino in Martin’s book.
Excerpted from Kaziranga — the rhino century by Nitin A. Gokhale and Samudra Gupta Kashyap


Part II: http://www.tehelka.com/story_main12.asp?filename=In061105Tiger_tiger_burning.asp


Part III: http://www.tehelka.com/story_main12.asp?filename=In061805poachers_on.asp


Part IV: http://www.tehelka.com/story_main12.asp?filename=In062505Mission_Possible.asp

Saturday, July 7, 2012

How India is trying to secure its mega cities


(http://www.vifindia.org/article/2012/july/04/why-india-s-mega-cities-need-to-be-protected)




Mumbai in July 2011.
Three bomb blasts in a matter of half an hour shook Mumbai again, killing 21 people.

A sense of déjà vu prevailed. But there was a vital difference between earlier attacks on Mumbai and the July 2011 bombings.

This time telephone and mobile lines, overloaded with panicky calls, froze.

So much so that key decision-makers in the Mumbai metropolitan area, from the Chief Minister downwards, could not communicate with each other for over 15 minutes in the immediate aftermath of the blasts.

This incident brought home, starkly, the shortcomings in India’s policing infrastructure: Communication equipment remains outdated; mobility is severely hampered; preventive and pre-emptive measures against a terrorist attack are virtually non-existent.

That there are massive challenges to India’s internal security—aided by external factors—is now a well-known fact. What is not common knowledge however is that the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) has been making deliberate and concerted efforts to plug the very obvious gaps in the security architecture of the country.

However given the size, diversity and myriad nature of threats that exist in India, the MHA and various organisations under it have a mammoth task ahead to secure the country.

While India has had reasonable success in confronting the secessionist, ethnic movements in the North-east and in Kashmir, the externally-sponsored jihadi threat in India’s biggest cities is emerging as the greatest challenge for the security managers.

The jihadi elements are a more potent threat for two reasons: One, they have linkages across continents and certainly across Asia, are technology-savvy, are well-funded and their target is India’s big metropolises.

The repatriation from Saudi Arabia of Zakiuddin Anasari alias Abu Jundal, one of the masterminds of the 26/11 Mumbai attacks and his subsequent revelations have brought home this fact more starkly than ever before.

Till two decades ago, the biggest threat in Indian cities was limited to ethnic or communal flare ups. Riots of the kind that happened in Ahmedabad, Meerut, Kolkata, Bhiwandi between Hindus and Muslims and in Delhi between Sikhs and Hindus were the main law and order challenges faced by Indian policemen.

Turning Point
But the serial bomb blasts in Mumbai in March 1993 and the subsequent riots thereafter completed transformed the security landscape in India. Terror had arrived big time in India. The modus operandi adopted by the new perpetrators of violence was something that was unknown to the Indian security apparatus. RDX was used for the first time.

The well-entrenched local mafia network actively supported, funded and armed by an external agency inimical to India introduced a paradigm shift in terror tactic that has been bleeding India time and again for the past two decades.

The delivery boys of violence are no longer identifiable easily. They operate in the shadows; have a pan-India presence and sanctuaries across Asia. Their funding comes from Pakistan, their foot soldiers can be from any state in India.

Their favourite weapon is the IED: the improvised explosive device. Unobtrusive but deadly.
Jaipur, Surat, Bangalore, Ahmedabad, Pune, Mumbai, Delhi…the list reads like a who’s who of Indian cities. The figures are staggering. According to the South Asian Terrorism Portal (satp.org) between 1994 and May 2012, over 61,000 people including civilians, security personnel and terrorists, have died in violence in India.

That’s on an average 5,000 people dying violently in a year!

For example n estimate by Asian Economy Institute in the immediate aftermath of the Mumbai attack of November 2008 said, the Indian Economy took a hit of over 100 billion dollars during the three days that the Lashkar-e-toiba terrorists held the city and indeed India to ransom.

Terrorism is therefore clear and present danger for an India that is economically growing faster than most of the world and is poised to become a regional power in the next decade.
Thus the Government’s first priority is to evolve a meaningful, effective counter-terrorism strategy.

At the centre of this strategy is the security of 10 big cities.

So what constitutes protection of cities and mega cities? So what are the vulnerabilities in big cities? And how do governments hope to tackle them?

Ever since the 9/11 incident forced a paradigm shift in the concept of securing urban areas, security mandarins have grappled with conflicting ideas to evolve a workable counter-terrorism model.

In 2006-07, MHA designated seven urban areas-- Mumbai, Kolkata, Delhi, Chennai, Hyderabad and Bangalore and Ahmedabad—as mega cities in need of a special security grid.
Thus Mega City Policing is built around four major components.
A correct mix of tech Int (technology-based intelligence) and HumInt (Human Intelligence) is required to prevent terrorist attacks anywhere. Indian agencies have so far been pre-dominantly dependent on human intelligence but slowly, technical intelligence is being given equal if not more importance. In order to evolve a comprehensive security plan.

Under the MHA’s Mega City Policing scheme coupled with city-specific plans, new technically gadgets and schemes are being included in the plans.

Financial assistance is given to mega cities for procurement of modern and innovative equipment like Night Vision Devices, GPS/GIS for dial 100 system and patrol cars, surveillance camera systems, CCTV systems, security equipments like portable x-ray machines, vehicle scanner, vehicle number plate identification system, cyber patrol and communication monitoring system, integrated GIS based automated vehicle tracking and management system, etc.

The Mega Cities are asked to prepare individual, city specific plans for consideration of the Government every year. The Plan should be based on a study on specific problem areas of Mega City Policing including details of demographic growth pattern, special problems faced in policing in large urban areas and crime investigation, traffic management, infrastructure available in terms of modern control rooms, digital radio trunking, communication system, PCR van network etc.

Therefore, the crucial equipment that the government is looking for is in two areas: Pre-event and post event.

MHA has recognised that seamless integration of the different components of a security system is essential to obtain maximum efficiency and effectiveness. The integration also needs to extend to backend applications such as e-governance systems and other online and IT systems.

As Home Minister P. Chaidambaram said in 2009: "The police stations in the country are, today, virtually unconnected islands. Thanks to telephones and wireless, and especially thanks to mobile telephones, there is voice connectivity between the police station and senior police officers, but that is about all. There is no system of data storage, data sharing and accessing data. There is no system under which one police station can talk to another directly. There is no record of crimes or criminals that can be accessed by a Station House Officer, except the manual records relating to that police station.”

The Home Ministry has, since 2009 consistently increased the budget for internal security and specifically for modernisation of police forces. However tardy and sometimes indifferent implementation by state governments has created gaps in India’s preparedness for internal security.

In April 2012, P. Chidambaram told a Chief Ministers conference: “Modernisation of Police Force (MPF) scheme was allotted Rs.1,111 crore in 2011-12, but we had to surrender Rs. 311 crore because some States had large unspent balances. For the current year, we have been able to secure Rs.900 crore and I would urge State Governments to address the deficiencies in the implementation of the scheme to help me request the Finance Minister for more funds.”

In fact funds are not a problem. An effective roadmap for strengthening internal security is.

Some elements are in place. For example, the Multi Agency Centre (MAC) and the Subsidiary MACs at the State capitals. NATGRID is work in progress. CCTNS (Crime & Criminal Tracking Network and Systems), under implementation since 2010, has reached the crucial milestone of selection of System Integrator, but only 16 out of 35 States/UTs have completed the task. On the other hand, the development of Core Application Software (CAS) has been completed, field testing is under way, and agreements have been signed to establish nation-wide connectivity.

The Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS), India’s highest decision-making body for security-related matters had approved an Rs 8,500 crore plan to revamp the country’s maritime security architecture.

It had identified that for effective coastal security, India requires maritime patrol boats, ferries, fast attack vessels, maritime surveillance systems and equipment, access control systems, biometric systems, CCTV equipment, thermal imaging system, explosives detection equipment, radar systems, screening technologies, cameras x-ray body scanners and baggage scanners, early warning systems, identification systems, transponders, etc.

The Indian Coast Guard itself is looking to procure 5 offshore patrol vessel, 10 fast-attack craft, 20 interceptor boats, hovercrafts, radars, 12 Dornier aircraft and 30 helicopters, among other things.

In short, India’s homeland security agencies, which primarily consist of the paramilitary forces, state and central police forces and the intelligence agencies, are likely to spend over $ 7.5 billion and state governments close to $ 2 billion on the modernization of their police and para-military organizations in the next 3-5 years. A huge market exists but unless a proper roadmap and strict deadlines to implement the plans evolve, no amount of good intention is likely to make India secure.

Friday, July 6, 2012

No offer to give Mauritian islands to India: Minister

Note:

In less than an hour after the below piece appeared on ndtv.com, a journalist from Mauritius,
Muhammad Hossenbaccus  called up and said the Minister has denied ever making an offer about  of giving two islands to India on lease.
 
The fellow practitioner also said the statement has evoked a sharp reaction from the Opposition in Mauritius.
 
He was also kind enough to send a Press Note from the Mauritius High Commission in Delhi which also contradicts the original report that appeared in The Times of India on Friday morning. The press note is at the end of this write up.

First read my piece as it appeared on ndtv.com

(http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/will-india-take-advantage-of-mauritian-offer-240337?pfrom=home-otherstories)


On Thursday, the visiting Mauritius foreign affairs and trade minister Arvin Boolell made an unexpected offer to India: he said Mauritius is willing to lease  a couple of sun-drenched islands to India as part of a trade and investment deal.

North and South Agalega Islands, located closer to India than Mauritius have an area of just 70 km. The North Agalega island also has a rough but ready air strip capable of handling small plane landings.

While this offer was first made in 2006 but was never followed up seriously since a huge political storm had broken out in Mauritius over it, changed circumstances seem to have compelled the Mauritian government to make a fresh proposal. Diplomatic sources say, Mauritius is struggling financially and if India were to scarp the 1983 vintage double taxation treaty it has with Mauritius, the island country might lose a substantial part of its earning.

The latest offer is therefore seen as a sweetener not to abolish that treaty. Times of India quoted the Mauritian Minister as saying: "It was up to India to use the islands to its advantage." 

The Minister  said the "blue economy" had great potential. India could use these islands  for setting up hotels and tourist resorts, for trade, marine studies, or for building a strategic presence in the Indian Ocean, the minister is reported to have said.

It is the last aspect--strategic presence--that New Delhi may be interested in. Situated close to an important sea lane of communication in the southern Indian Ocean, these islands can be effectively used by the Indian Navy and Air Force if the government decides to accept the Mauritian offer.

If a base is developed here, it could prove to be a staging point for both Indian Navy and Air Force which can launch surveillance and reconnaissance missions without having to traverse long distances from the southern tip of India.

Already Indian Naval and Air Force personnel work with the Mauritian Police  (the island country does not have standing armed forces), helping them in various tasks. Indian Naval ships regularly call on Mauritian port during their passage to and from Africa. Between 2009 and now, at least a dozen Indian ships have either visited and mounted surveillance missions or held PASSEX (Passage Exercises) with Mauritian Coast Guard ships.

The primary objective of these missions is to reinforce deterrence to ongoing pirate activities north of the EEZ of Mauritius. The Joint Patrol also helps to check illegal fishing within the maritime zones of Mauritius. 

Last month INS Darshak, a third generation ocean-going survey vessel of the Indian Navy fitted with state-of-the-art hydrographic and oceanographic equipment  visited Mauritius.

The ship also has an integral helicopter which is extensively used for the survey operations and also for search and rescue missions. INS Darshak has been the forerunner in carrying out navigational surveys of various harbours in India and has also been carrying out surveys in the Indian Ocean Region. During its presence in Mauritian waters from April 22 – May 17, 2012it undertook the following hydrographic surveys and tasks requested for by the Government of the Republic of Mauritius.
  • Bathymetric survey of the Southern coast of Mauritius from  Le Morne to Le Chaland to meet the requirements of placement of fish-aggregating devices for the Ministry of Fisheries.
  • Survey of Le Morne as projected by the National Coast Guard, Ministry of Tourism and Leisure and the Mauritius Research Council.
Clearly, if India accepts the Mauritian offer and gradually develops a military base, the reach of the Indian Navy will be phenomenally enhanced giving India a strategic presence in the Indian Ocean at par with what the US developed at Diego Garcia over the years.

 In the long run the arrangement may turn out to be a win-win situation for both countries.
 
 
Here's the full text of the Press note:
 
Press Communiqué
Dr. The Honourable Arvin Boolell, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Regional Integration and International Trade of the Republic of Mauritius is on an official visit to India from 04 to 07 July 2012. Yesterday, he met the Hon. Dr. Manmohan Singh, Prime Minister, Mr. S.M. Krishna, the Minister of External Affairs, Mrs. Sushma Swaraj, Leader of the Opposition, the corporate and the press.
Discussions with Indian authorities focused mainly on how two friendly countries with deep historical and cultural links can strengthen their bilateral cooperation and ways to resolve outstanding issues on a win-win basis. In this regard, Minister A. Boolell also gave several interviews to the written press. In a 30 minutes interview with NDTV Profit, he highlighted solutions to resolve outstanding problems for the mutual benefits of the two countries.
In the several interviews given by Minister A. Boolell to the written press, never was the issue of Agalega raised either on a stand-alone basis or as part of a trade-off for the DTA issue. The issue was also never discussed with the Indian authorities.                 
At no point in time did the Minister refer to any “deal” as mentioned in an article entitled “Mauritius offers India 2 Islands in effort to preserve tax treaty” in today’s edition of “The Times of India”. The said article is erroneous, misleading, false and malicious.
Discussions with the Indian authorities have centered on how to resolve outstanding problems and focused essentially on exchange of information, curbing of round-tripping, enhancing of substance and providing certainty, clarity and stability to the DTAC. 

06 July 2012