My latest article in The Diplomat

Indian military planners are reshaping the Army in readiness for a potential combined threat from China and Pakistan. Can it “cold start?”

• India’s Doctrinal Shift?
• India, China Show Military Grit
• China Base a Threat to India Navy?
• India Boosts Afghan Military Role
• Will India’s Military Revolt?

Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh may have told the country’s parliament last month that hedoesn’t expect an attack by China, but India’s military is taking no chances.

The world’s second-largest army, which celebrated its 64th Army Day on January 15, is on the cusp of implementing a major transformation in its organizational structure and war strategies to meet a possible combined threat from China and its ally Pakistan.

The change follows more than half a decade of annual exercises involving one of India’s three strike corps and a desert corps, which have engaged in operations to fine-tune a strategy that would enable India to take Pakistan by surprise.

Under this concept, the defensive corps close to the border with Pakistan have been re-designated “pivot” corps, and have been handed enhanced offensive elements under integrated battle groups (IBG) that consist of division-sized forces comprising armor, artillery and aviation assets designed to swiftly hit Pakistan before the strike corps, located deeper inside India, would be able to mobilize.

This is supposed to offer India the so-called “cold start” option, under which the IBGs would swing into action in less than 48 hours.

Speaking to me for Indian broadcaster NDTV last week, Indian Army Chief Gen. V.K. Singh explained the concept, although he refrained from actually referring to it as “cold start.”

“Our aim was to make the army more agile, more lethal, more responsive, and networked army that is able to meet with the future threats,” he said. “To that extent, certain steps were laid down. One of the things we looked at was the restructuring of our organizations into groupings that will take place in battle. So, we have validated these. Certain changes have come about because of our validation in test bedding. These are coming into effect.”

The transformation study, carried out under Singh while he was commanding the Eastern Army as part of a previous assignment, started validating the concepts from 2010. As the Times of India noted, Exercise Vijayee Bhava (Be Victorious), for instance, practiced blitzkrieg-style operations to hit the enemy hard at short-notice. According to the paper, it essentially revolved around the armor-intensive 2 Corps.

However, the two-month-long Exercise Sudarshan Shakti, conducted in November and December of last year, not only took the concept further, but added several new dimensions to India’s war-fighting theories. For the first time, the Army successfully used its satellites and UAVs to provide a real-time picture and information of the war zone to battlefield commanders.

In addition, real-time links between sensor and shooter were tested, which enabled commanders to make decisions instantly, even as information was being shared among platforms and personnel. 

Led and implemented by the Indian Army’s biggest and most lethal formation, the 21 Corps, the exercise witnessed the participation of over 60,000 troops and 300 tanks and brought together all elements – including air power – on one single platform. The air power on display reportedly included combat jets like the Su-30 MKI, Jaguars, MiG-27 and MiG-21, AWACS and helicopters. 

But if “Sudarshan Shakti” was meant to authenticate India’s new war fighting strategy against Pakistan, a series of changes in the Northern and Eastern Commands of the Indian Army have quietly taken place over the past four years aimed at reorganizing India’s preparedness against China.  As mentioned earlier, two new mountain divisions raised for deployment on the China frontier are now ready, which has added teeth to the Eastern Command and allowed the Army to reorganize a Reserve Corps into a full-fledged formation against China.

The reality is that although India has three “strike” or offensive corps aimed at Pakistan, it still lacks a dedicated offensive formation against China, regarded by the military as the bigger threat. A projected plan to raise a Mountain Strike Corps (since the terrain along the Chinese frontier is super high altitude) is currently pending with India’s Finance Ministry since it involves massive investment, to the tune of over $10 billion dollars, over the next five years.  The Defense Ministry as well as the Army HQ is, however, hoping to kick-start the process of raising this formation sooner rather than later.

“At the moment we’re a threat-based organization. We’re moving towards a threat-cum-capability based one. And as the years go by, we will become a totally capability-based force,” Singh told me. “It has various implications like what kind of equipping norms you have, what kind of training that you do, what kind of resources you have to rapidly deploy to various places. So these are things that are being put into effect now, and by the time we see the result, it will take some time. It’s not that overnight we can change something.”

As I mentioned in my analysis following Army Day last year, the latest shift is aimed at strengthening the Army’s capabilities to fight what one general has called a war on “two and a half fronts” – a reference to possible simultaneous confrontation with Pakistan and China in addition to being deployed in a counter-insurgency situation internally.

So far, the four wars between India and Pakistan and one between India and China have been standalone conflicts, but Indian strategic thinkers say a future scenario under which close allies China and Pakistan launch a joint offensive against India is a distinct possibility. The Indian Army therefore wants to be ready for such an eventuality. And the way forward, the Army has concluded, is to become a fleet-footed force capable of quick mobilization and deployment.

According to an Indian military handout, the transformation “envisages seamless integration of available forces without the constraints of inflexible ‘commands.’" 

“So far, each command and formation operated well within its prescribed boundaries and deployed the combat as well as support services only within its own jurisdiction,” the handout noted. “The transformation, however, seeks to break down these artificial boundaries to minimize losses and increase optimal utilization of resources. So in the years to come, the Indian Army will move from a 'command-based' deployment to a 'theater command' format where the 'front' or the spearhead will be seamlessly integrated with resources in the "depth" or the rear.”

Most senior military commanders agree that such massive exercises, which put to test both men and machine, help hone the skills of various frontline formations. Inter-services synergy based on advanced technology has been on the rise in the past five years and is therefore a major gain for the Indian military since future wars, whenever they take place, will be swift, short and fought under a technology-intensive umbrella.

Nitin Gokhale is Defence & Strategic Affairs Editor with Indian broadcaster, NDTV 24×7.

Army Chief Gen. VK Singh's full interview

http://www.ndtv.com/video/player/news/general-vk-singh-on-indian-armys-transformation/220943

A peep in the past, to understand the future

A peep in the past, to understand the future

a DECADE AGO, GUWAHATI WAS JUST ABOUT COMING OUT OF THE SHADOW OF INSURGENCY AND VIOLENCE. TODAY IT IS A BOOMING NERVE CENTRE FOR THE ENTIRE NORTH-EAST

IN OUTLOOK, WE CAUGHT THE TREND EARLY.

Feb 11, 2002

LIFESTYLES

Shine On, Crazy Diamond

Sleepy Guwahati turns boomtown, with money to burn and a 'with it' attitude

NITIN A. GOKHALE

Just 10 years ago, it was a city under siege. Racked by insurgency and in the shadow of the gun, the legendary Pragjyotishpur or City of Eastern Light straddling the Brahmaputra had lost its sheen as the gateway to northeastern India. Militants, mostly belonging to the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), held it to ransom, extorting traders and creating bloody mayhem. Troops patrolled round the clock, business was dull and there was little nightlife to talk about.

No longer. Guwahati has endured a stormy decade-long militancy—exacerbated by insurgent bushfires—to rise Phoenix-like, from the ashes. The Northeast's economic hub is again flourishing, thanks to a real estate boom and frenetic consumerism. Fuelled by growing commerce and slush money, the city is living it up again. Glitzy one-stop shops, multi-cuisine eateries and spiffy pool parlours dot this once dreary and languorous city. People are splurging on weddings and parties. Fashion shows are a rage with the young. "Militancy is far from the urban people's mind now," says Assam chief minister Tarun Gogoi. "It is as if ten years of suffocation has suddenly lifted."

The signs are everywhere—consumer spending is up to break-neck speed. Consider the findings of a Federation of North East Industries and Commerce (FINER) survey on Guwahati's spending habits:

• A 500 per cent jump in sales of refrigerators, colour TVs and washing machines in the past five years;
• Over 700 new multi-storeyed apartment buildings constructed in the past three years;
• Over 80 new restaurants opened in the past two years. Guwahatians spend over Rs 1.5 crore a month in eating out;
• 2,000 new vehicles arrive on the city's roads every month.

The spending spree is as if they are trying to make up for lost time. Through the '90s, the city's rich shunned flashy parties and weddings for fear of becoming targets of the militants. A tea baron, preferring anonymity, says: "In the early '90s, we even stopped having anniversary parties since the 'boys' (militants) were everywhere. Every celebration was subdued lest we receive a notice to pay up."

Today, big parties and bigger weddings are the order of the day. Guwahati is still discussing the marriage of a newly elected legislator last month, attended by 15,000 guests. Some 1,000 uniformed attendants served the guests. Conspicuous consumption, which overtook most of India in the immediate aftermath of the liberalisation, is only now making its presence felt in this once-sleepy city.

One indication of the spending spree is the growth in number of clubs and body fitness centres. Among the urban rich, clothes are only one visible sign of the new spirit. It extends to all aspects of life—be it house, car, the latest hi-tech audio-visual gadgets or taking to pool with a vengeance. Holidays in the Far East (Bangkok, Singapore being the most preferred destinations) once a year are considered routine. Laptops, digital cameras, DVDs and handycams are considered normal acquisitions in well-to-do households.

If these are signs of a conspicuous consumerist streak, no one minds. Guwahati is adapting fast to the latest lifestyle trends. Take the craze for playing pool or for fashion shows and beauty contests. The bold and the beautiful are playing an 'at-par-with-the-glam-set' game with the rest of the country. Take the husband-wife team of Dilip and Meenakshi Choudhury. For them, life's a big celebration, to be lived to the full. The couple are regulars at newly opened pool parlours or at the beat-fuelled local parties. Says Dilip, a businessman: "The idea is to work hard and play hard." Agrees Anurag Baruah, an English lecturer: "Our group loves to keep up with the latest, be it music or clothes."

The live-it-up philosophy among the young prompted P.Dutta to open Sports Bar in the heart of Guwahati, combining pool parlour and cyber cafe. Spread over 1,500 sq feet, it has four pool tables and several terminals for Internet buffs. And for a pricey Rs 100 an hour, youngsters from wealthy families get to play pool, the perfect opportunity to be "with it". Says Dutta, sated with a year's good business: "All the tables are booked in advance. During weekends, the rush is tremendous."

Around a kilometre away, Dutta's videogames centre is booming too, drawing families in droves. Children love playing the latest videogames and indulgent parents feel relieved that there's something new on offer. As government official Anupam Sarmah surmises: "Now there are places to take the kids. Earlier, evenings were limited to the park." The other craze is parties onboard the spree of floating restaurants moored along the Brahmaputra's banks.

New shopping arcades, multi-storeyed complexes and eating joints seem to be sprouting all over the place. And according to one estimate, there are two lakh vehicles here on the roads—in a city of just 14 lakh people. Inevitably, civic amenities have failed to keep pace but those in an indulgent mood hardly care. The one-stop stores are also becoming a craze, catering to the growing tendency among yuppies to shop till you drop. Sohum, a new entrant, is spread over 12,000 sq feet—designed to cater to the high-spending customer. Says owner M.L. Jalan: "Three years ago, I went to Mumbai and saw Shopper's Stop and decided to replicate it here. The response in less than two years has been very encouraging."

Which isn't surprising, considering the kind of disposable income some sections in Assam have. Cellphones, for instance, are seen more as a fashion accessory rather than a means of convenience. So is the case for brand names. Says Basant Surana, a young businessman: "Guwahatians are trying to make up for the lost years. They are in a hurry, so you see the latest stuff being flaunted around."

Militancy may have been marginalised in the people's minds but a question bugging academics is: where is the money coming from, to fuel such rampant materialism and noveau riche ethos? For one, the state government is near-bankrupt. H.N. Das, former Assam chief secretary, thinks a lot of the consumerism is being serviced by slush money. "A section of officials, businessmen and politicians siphon off development funds, which in turn fuels the kind of lop-sided consumerism that we are witnessing. Of course, there are also those who are making an honest living and enjoying it."

Guwahati's rising fortunes are inextricably linked to the fact that things seem to be looking up finally in the beleaguered state. Central funds through World Bank infrastructure projects and private investment are also contributing to an apparent economic boom in Assam. Companies such as HLL, P&G, and Godrej are setting up new manufacturing facilities in Assam. The real estate sector has already seen tremendous growth. According to official sources, 1,770 building permissions were granted in Guwahati alone, between April and December 2001. Sources in HDFC say business at the Guwahati branch has shown a steep increase over the past couple of years. "The flight of capital witnessed in the early 1990s has certainly been reversed. Now people are staying put, investing in real estate," an official of a housing finance company says. And with top-line banks like ICICI, HDFC Bank and finance companies like Kotak Mahindra setting up shop in Assam—after ignoring the state for years—real estate is booming.

And yet, Guwahati's apparent prosperity could be misleading. Assam's public debt is a staggering Rs 10,000 crore. The state government struggles to pay salaries to its five lakh employees.More than 36 per cent of the 2.34 crore population lives below the poverty line. But right now, Guwahatians don't seem to care about these grim facts. Right now, it's party time and no one's complaining.

http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?214525  

South Block: Fainthearted or insensitive?

Fifty years ago, the people of NEFA, now Arunachal Pradesh, stood shoulder-to-shoulder with valiant Indian soldiers to try and fend off the marauding Chinese.

Through the intervening five decades after that politico-military-diplomatic debacle in the high Himalayas, the tribals of Arunachal Pradesh have stood steadfast with India.

Unlike the rest of the North-east where separatist tendencies have emerged at one time or the other, the Arunachalis have never wavered from their commitment to the idea of India through this period.

And yet, the Government of India and its cowardly mandarins have once again let down the people of Arunachal by omitting an Indian Air Force Officer of Arunachali origin from a military delegation that left for China on Sunday just because Beijing has consistently refused to give visas to people of that border state claiming it to be a part of ‘South Tibet.’

What signal are these lily-livered decision makers sending to the officer in question and the population of Arunachal Pradesh in general?

That the status of your state is disputed and we cannot guarantee equal treatment?

That we are more sensitive to the Chinese concerns than your feelings?

That we may barter away your state in return for “peace and tranquility’ with the middle kingdom if push comes to shove?

For too long, the Indian establishment and our foreign office has cited ‘diplomatic compulsions,’ whatever that means, to downplay insults and ignominy heaped by adversaries like Pakistan and China.

So very often if one is discussing India’s plans for future engagement with Afghanistan, we are told to be cognizant of Islamabad’s sensitivities.

In matters concerning China, it gets even more bizarre.

“Don’t portray China as an adversary,” “For 50 years the border has remained peaceful so why get hyper even if there are constant pin-pricks on the unresolved border,” is the consistent advise from South Block.

The Prime Minister of course knows best. So he has told Parliament that China will not attack India.

Perhaps taking a cue from that position, the Indian establishment has now decided to go to great lengths in appeasing the Chinese.

In the process, if you let down one of the few Arunachalis to have risen to a middle-level rank in the Indian Armed Forces, be it.

In effect, by excluding him from the delegation to China, are we indirectly telling Group Captain M. Panging, an ace fighter pilot: “Partner, you are an asset for the Air Force alright but your ancestry is a liability and an impediment in India’s intention to establish good diplomatic relations with another country?”

Are we telling him, “You are not good enough to represent this country?”

Ever since this story broke on Friday, several friends from Arunachal Pradesh have called and asked: Does India still doubt our loyalty and commitment?

I have no answer, may be the decision-makers can explain?

 It may sound rhetorical to many and our ‘learned’ diplomats who deal with complex international relations may project this episode as just another tactical move made to gain strategic advantage in the future in India’s relations with China, but for the people of Arunachal, this yet another instance of the New Delhi’s pusillanimous approach in dealing with Beijing.

Many point out to the fact that the Prime Minister went to Tawang, one of the key towns in Arunachal Pradesh, claimed by China as its own, a couple of years ago and asserted: “Arunachal Pradesh is an integral part of India,” much to the chagrin of Beijing.

If that is the stated position of the Govt of India, what was the harm in insisting on the inclusion of Group Captain M. Panging in the military delegation to China even if it meant calling off the visit?

After all, in the Indian Armed Forces, it doesn’t matter what race, religion or state an officer belongs to. Incidetally, Group Captain Panging is the Chief Operations Officers of an important Sukhoi Squadron based in India’s north-east and is tasked with an important job of defending India’s frontiers with China.

Two years ago the then Northern Army Commander—who leads India’s largest Command—was denied a visa by the Chinese because in their view he commanded troops in what Beijing calls a disputed area of J&K.

Now comes the Panging episode.

It is easy for diplomats to say Panging should not have been included in the military delegation in the first place knowing China’s sensitivities.

To that attitude I have only one question: Has India ever tried telling Beijing: don’t send PLA officers posted in Tibet Autonomous Region on the military delegations touring India since Tibetan refugees in India, who are treated as this country’s guests, find it offensive.

No Sir, we are very gracious hosts and never tell our neighbours what we like and don’t like. So Islamabad can get away with murder and Beijing can play the diplomatic game on its own terms.

In the process, if a small but strategically important part of the country and the people from there feel humiliated, it’s a small price to pay. 

Interview with Army Chief VK Singh: Full Transcript

  Besides age, several other important issues--transformation, modernisation, acquisition, to name just three topics-- discussed here. Unfortunately the age issue has overshadowed everything else.
This was actually meant to be an interview for Army Day 2012, overtaken by
events.

Make your own judgement, according to your own inclination!! 

Q: I have to start with the raging controversy about your age and the defence ministry stand that they will not grant what have you been asking for? Your comment.

Ans: I think the issue is being played out too much. There is no controversy between the ministry of defense and me. There's no fight between the ministry of defense and me. There are perceptional differences, and it's totally a personal issue. And it is only something which is concerning me and not the rest of the army. So, I would like to assure you that as far as I'm concerned, it is not transcending in any way into the army. We are as prepared, as good as we were yesterday or as well-prepared as we'll be tomorrow.

 Q: But in the public perception as you have seen the battle is seen to be have been joined from both sides, you and the defence ministry, how do you dispel this perception because there is this fact that the papers have been given out in RTI reply they are saying that your Date of Birth is what they are maintaining, and you have said that this is 10 May 1951, so why don’t you just clarify a little bit that what is the problem there?

Ans: See, a lot of papers are being bandied about. People are trying to prove their point. That is not the issue at all. It is not something for personal gains so far as I'm concerned. It was an issue concerning my integrity and that is where I've put it, and pegged it and that is where, so far as I'm concerned, the matter ends.

 Q: So if your integrity and your honour is protected and they give you your due would you accept the decision of the government?

Ans: Well, I've already said that so far as I'm concerned it is totally a personal issue. It is an issue that has to be decided by whosoever wants to decide, and me personally. It doesn't concern anything else.

 Q: And you are saying that it will not transcend any other decision making?

Ans: It is not in any way affecting either my decisions, or that of people under my command.

 Q: What about the ministry’s decisions vis-a-vis the army?

Ans: I don't find any effect out there and I'm quite sure, we have a team there and as well as a minister who goes beyond all this.   

 Q: Ok. Let me move on to other aspects then. You had  initiated the process of transformation in the Indian army, you had done that study yourself and now you are trying to implement it, how far have you come in that process?

Ans: See, our aim was to make the army more agile, more lethal, more responsive, and networked army that is able to meet with the future threats. To that extent certain steps were laid down. One of the things we looked at was restructuring of our organizations into groupings that will take place in battle. So, we have validated these. Certain changes have come about because of our validation in test bedding. These are coming into effect. We also looked at theaterization of our combat and combat support as well as logistic support elements. This, the test bedding has taken place, it will come into effect. Certain things out of this, because it concerns legacy organizations carrying on for years will take a little time till mentally, people get prepared to handle them. We also had the issue of ensuring that our headquarters become more responsive, because over a period of time in the old headquarters we kept adding people. It added onto the chains of decision making.      We're trying to sort that out. Certain things in the army headquarters have been implemented. More things are in the pipeline, and it will go down to the other formation headquarters.

 Q: You have said before and when we have talked earlier also that the capability building of the Indian army is not adversary specific but capability based, now does that still stand given the kind of constant needling that happens along the line of actual control and also the possible projection that there could be  skirmishes along the China frontier. How do you see those threats?

Ans: See, what I'd said was that at the moment we're a threat-based organization. We're moving towards a threat-cum-capability based one. And as the years go by, we will become a totally capability-based force. It has various implications like what kind of equipping norms you have, what kind of training that you do, what kind of resources you have to rapidly deploy to various places. So, these are things that are being put into effect now and by the time we see the result, it will take some time. It is not that overnight we can change something. What you talked of, needling, I don't find any this thing...Yes so far as we're concerned, we're prepared to meet various types of threats that will emanate, whether it is any border that we have. And to that extent, I feel satisfied that we've done a fair amount of work. We have our preparedness that will be able to meet the requirements of the time.

Q: And what about the internal situation? do you see increasing involvement of Indian army in internal situation? 

Ans: See, internal situation... we have been involved in two parts of the country for a very long time, the North-East and the North. Things are becoming better; they're not totally, absolutely alright. And to a certain extent, I think we have to see how things pan out in the times to come. You know, to immediately say that okay, today things are very fine, let's stop everything, I don't think that will be a correct approach. In this particular game, you have to be patient you have to be cautious, you have to look at how the future comes out and then look at how you can decrease your involvement.

 Q: What about Kashmir? How do you see it panning in the next couple of years if not more??

Ans: See Kashmir in 2011 has been good after what we saw in 2010. However, there are few factors we need to factor into it. One is, the infrastructure across the borders is still intact. A large number of trained terrorists are waiting out there. We don't know how the internal situation out there will work out which can have its own dynamic effect on these. Therefore, we need to study the internal dynamics in J&K much better. Yes and these dynamics comprise of what kind of overall worker base is there. Is the revival of some of the people left out from jails taking place? Are there more people coming in? They may not come through the fence that is put up; they may come from other routes which happen, which you're aware of. We have to look at what kind of separatist ideology is being preached and harbored and what kind of impetus is being given to it. All those combined will tell us what kind of approach has to be taken. I think a wait-and-watch policy will get us better results.

 Q: So that again brings me to the Army’s stand on the Armed Forces Special Power Act. Does your stand remain the same?

Ans: See I think we've said enough on this, I don't want to create more controversy. Like I said, let's wait and watch, let's see how things pan out, let's not be in a hurry to head-long rush into something. These are not matters in which you should take decisions, which you may regret later and therefore, let's be patient.

Q:  Gen Singh the 2 years that you have been more or less in the chair now and the day you took over you talked about setting the internal health of the army right. How far have you come in that endeavor and how do you see it panning out in next couple of years?

Ans: See I had stated a reality and we embarked on various things. I can say today, that within our own structures, we've become more transparent. Secondly, we've also sent a clear message that certain things will not be tolerated, come what may. And to that extent, you're aware of some high profile cases that have been tackled in typical army disciplined way. We've not shied away. And this was a part of this message we wanted to give to people and tell people, look here, if you are honest, you are upright, carry on. But if you are deviant towards what the army lays down in terms of ethos and values, there can be problems. And I think once this message is given, within the army, some kind of internal reform, confidence building is taking place and to that extent, at the moment, I'm satisfied that we have been able to start things, where people say wrong is wrong, and right is right.

Q: What about taking all those cases, the high profile cases that you spoke about to their logical conclusion, because very often in the past one have seen you know that they sort of are started off well, disciplinary action and court marshals take place but at the end of it very little gets done or do you have a different view on this?

Ans: No, some of the cases I think....you're aware of some of our general officers who were court-marshaled, they were punished. The courts decide this thing, I mean that was the court's decision what kind of punishment they give. We don't come into play. Similarly, there are certain cases that happen that came to the fore during the last year and a half plus. Some of them we investigated and we found that our capability to go further was not there and therefore, they were handed over to the required investigative agencies and they're proceeding well. Where we were concerned and our processes were concerned, I think they have been done in a time-bound way. Now, rest of the investigating agencies, I don't want to make a comment on them, and I'm quite sure they're doing their work.

 Q: But at that point of time you had also spoken about giving more powers to the Corps of Military Police, investigative powers, at least a suggestion was there, has anything happened on that front?

Ans:See it was part of our transformation and it is being put into effect, we have trained our people and like I said, certain structural changes are mindsets that need to change. That takes time. It is happening, and I'm quite sure that what we're looking at as an army, as part of our transformation and military police was part of it. It will happen. Certain things of changes of military police have already taken place.

Q: You had also at the army commanders conference taken a decision to transform the process of the training and scholar warrior, kind of a concept that you wanted to introduce or re-introduce maybe. What is the concept really?  

Ans: See the concept is that there is a need for our people, not to stop learning after they get into the army. Aim is that they must progress, become experts, enhance their knowledge base so that they contribute greatly to the benefit of the army. And to that extent, our professional military education, our education for our jawans are  two fields that we have concentrated on. Where professional military education is concerned, our army training command has put in a lot of measures to enhance the professional military education and we will start seeing the results in years to come. Similarly, where the jawans and our JCOs are concerned, aim was to bring up their educational level and to that extent we had gone into collaboration with the IGNOU. Certain things are already moving, larger numbers have enrolled, and I'm quite sure that was days go by, we will have people who will retire as graduates which is a big jump from what he was doing earlier. Similarly, we've tied up with some good universities where we can send our people for expert courses and that is happening already. So this is all a part of making the scholar soldier.

 Q: You spoke earlier about making the Indian army lean and agile and capable of handling any threat in the future. What about, let me say modernisation and the procurement process, because even you have plans in place for transformation, if it is not backed by adequate modernisation and speedier procurement, how do you tackle that problem that is there?

Ans: See modernization and procurements have been a problem over a period of time. Couple of reasons have been that our own indigenous and technology base in defense-related industries is limited. So you have to go outside to procure and therefore to ensure transparency, credibility of the system etc , there is a laid-down procedure. Yes, it is time consuming and therefore, things get delayed. We also have a problem where one complaint or one letter, you know, can put everything to a stop. That has to be examined, you also have a problem where some firms because they've taken a particular action, they get either blacklisted or a black mark comes against them and therefore, the whole process gets delayed. We've given our points of view to the ministry they're working at it and I'm sure, between the forces and the ministry we will be able to find solutions that will hasten this up. And this is also one of the areas where the task-force that has been set up under Mr. Naresh Chandra is also looking at it because this is a concern for everybody.

 Q: But is there then a proposal or a wish, if not a proposal to integrate in real terms to have your people in uniform to be attached or working as cross postings, with the ministry officials, is there a proposal to do that?

Ans: See they are there…there's one area already there which is the acquisition wing of the ministry. We have people from all the three services who are there, who go through the force's proposals. And they are an interface between us and the ministry officials; they work in conjunction with them. This is already there. Rest has been left to the task force as to how they look at the entire structure.

Q: But is the wish there to be a part of decision making? 

Ans: It'll make things better, I mean, that was one of the recommendations made by the Kargil committee also. I think ultimately we must look at organizations that will contribute in a much better manner.

 Q: Decision making also…you need to be part of the decision making at the highest level…. is that a problem at the moment, that you send a proposal then it comes back?

Ans: See certain lacunae were found by the Kargil committee. Now those are being examined by the task-force. The services have all given their own input into this. I think they will take an overall macro view as to how to ensure better integration.

 Q: Let me come back to the infrastructure problem, I mean again we have spoken about this before, along the northern borders and the China frontier specially, how slow or how fast has it been in the past year and a half or so?

Ans: It has got two factors. One is, what is that proposal, which state it is in, and second is the type of environmental laws that we have. Lot of work has been done. Lot of areas where the environmental ministry has cleared our projects. We have a problem at times at the state levels, where the land has, you know, been claimed as forest land, and therefore, various rules apply to it and that is where things do get delayed. We're trying to find a methodology. I think both the services and the ministry are seized of it because we cannot allow infrastructure, development timelines to go beyond a certain time. I'm quite hopeful that the way that the impetus is being given, we will be able to meet most of our timelines, most of our timelines. There will still be some areas where it will be declared some sort of sanctuary or something. Now you have to find a way out of it. And I think it will require will on the part of the state concerned, the ministry of environment to come to some sort of a system, where we can look at the nation's security needs.

 Q: Do you think, very often the national security interest if i can use that expression is overlooked in decision making, for instance, the critical shortages in artillery… everybody knows for last 20 years we haven't or more than 20 years we haven't acquired any guns? Why is it stuck where it is stuck right now?

Ans: Firstly let me correct an impression. There is no critical shortage. There is a problem with modernization. You know, sometimes it gets coupled into saying that for the last 20 years nothing has happened therefore, we're woefully inadequate, we are not. We're not woefully inadequate. Yes, if we modernize, it will be better. See like I said, the procedural aspects are such and I've always said this, there are a lot of faults that the services themselves have committed faults and to that extent, the army has committed. I mean we took a decision at one point of time; we'll have a particular caliber. But after few years we changed that caliber. Now, obviously then, the whole procedure goes haywire. Similarly, you can't make QR (unclear) only for one particular system. You've got to have a level playing field for everybody. So these are some of the areas where you get bogged down. We have worked out a philosophy for our artillery system. I'm very positive that this will succeed. Lot of thought has gone into it, it has been presented to the Defense minister and we have his support in this to go ahead and it will combine both, indigenous work as well as what we procure from outside.

 Q: What about armour, because there is also a problem of, I mean at least one hears about it that the army is not very keen on getting the Arjun tank into the army?

Ans: No it is not that, we have worked out the way the tank is, how it fits into our operational plans as per its capability. So accordingly we have pegged a particular number which is going to happen. Yes, there are certain lacunae in what came in which are being improved after all everybody wants a better thing. So now it's becoming Mark II, certain things will come out with Mark  III which would probably be the ultimate. So that is not an issue. Some of the problems actually that because you can say a certain amount of concern is the type of quality control regime and accountability that we have. This is something that we're pushing for. That look here, if let's say a particular barrel, it goes off, we must hold someone accountable. Don't we do that with private industries? You can't shield people. Now that is something we're trying to ask someone to do. Let's hold people accountable so that our quality control mechanism becomes better which transcends into a better product that comes to the army.

Q: I am going to come back to the first question that i asked you, because that is something everyone wants to know, is there a rift between you and the ministry?

Ans:  There is no rift between me and the ministry. We are as cordial as we've ever been. If you've seen signs of any rift, I don't know. But personally I haven't seen any sign of a rift.

Q:  But that's the perception which everybody is going around with.

Ans: See the problem is, when the media gets into it, you must find every small thing. Now for example, I was seeing in the media- chief meets the Adjutant general. Now the Adjutant general comes and meets me 10 times a day. What is so special about it? So I don't think these perceptions are right. There is no rift.

Q:  Do you think your honour has been put at stake and therefore you want to take the stand you have taken?

Ans: See, integrity is an issue which I have flagged and it's totally a personal issue and that is where it ends.

Q: So you are hopeful it will be resolved?

Ans: I don't know. I've got no clue of it. Nor do I want to comment on it.

Q: But you will continue to hold on to that thought that integrity and honour is your right? 

Ans: I'm sure, each one of us holds on to that particular value. It is not just me. You also, anybody who's there.

Excerpts of my interview with Army Chief Gen. VK Singh

http://www.ndtv.com/video/player/news/age-issue-not-affecting-my-decisions-army-chief-to-ndtv/220271?pfrom=home-lateststories

 

Age issue not affecting my decisions: Army chief to NDTV

India-Russia: Keeping the marriage going

Manmohan Singh with Dimitri Medvedev
at the Kremlin

An Indo-Russia summit is a bit like a marriage anniversary a decade after the wedding. 

I mean, the two sides have a lot to grumble about each other but each one knows that it can't do without the other no matter how many new distractions come along the way.

And so it was in Moscow in mid-December when Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and President Dimitri Medvedev attended the 12th Indo-Russia summit--an annual ritual over the past decade and more.

Both sides reviewed their long-standing "Special and priviliged Strategic Partnership," in the 40th year of the landmark Indo-Soviet Friendship treaty, found that the traditional areas of partnership--defence, space, science and technology--are as solid as before. New Delhi did point out though that there are irritants in defence equipment supplied by Russia. The recent crash of a Sukhoi-30 combat jet came up for discussion and so did the matter of sticking to the timetable for delivery of INS Vikramaditya, formerly Admiral Gorshkov, the mammoth aircraft carrier currently undergoing refit and revamp in Russia.

Part of the joint statement in fact said: "The two sides welcomed the outcome of the eleventh meeting of the India-Russia Inter Governmental Commission on Military-Technical Cooperation in addressing issues of mutual concern. The sides took note of the progress made in important joint defence projects such as the refitment of aircraft carrier INS Vikramaditya (Admiral Gorshkov), joint development and production of Multi-Role Transport Aircraft, Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft and licensed production of various Russian origin defence equipment and armaments in India."

But an important development was neither mentioned during the talks nor put down on paper:  that a nuclear submarine leased from Russia is all set to join the Indian Navy in early 2012.

 Sources confirmed that a an Akula class nuclaer submarine leased for 10 years by the Indian Navy was leaving Russian shores by end December and was all set to join the Indian Navy fleet in early 2012

The confirmation of this long-speculated development came hours before Manmohan Singh reached Moscow.

 Indian navy officers and sailors have been training on the nuclear submarine for the past several months. 

This is the second time India is leasing a Russian Nuclear submarine. on lease. In the late 1980s the Indian navy had acquired the necessary skills required to operate a nuclear submarine by training on another Russian submarine christened INS Chakra.

 India is building its own nuclear submarine named INS Arihant. This indigenous submarine is however not expected to operational for at least another three years. Nuclear powered submarines require special skill setts to operate in comparison to concventional dieselpowered submarines.

 An ambitious programme to indigenously build half a dozen diesel powered submarines with French technology is currently under way at the Public sector Mazgaon Docks Ltd. in Mumbai. the project has however suffered expensive cost and time overruns.

In Moscow, India also clinched a deal to acquire 42 more fly-by-wire Sukhoi-30 heavy combat jets from Russia in coming years.

However the most significant decision was to widen the scope of the partnership and break out of the traditional areas.  Hence forth New Delhi and Moscow want to concentrate on trade and economy and not just on space and defence.

Getting ready for the Joint conference at the
Kremlin

Part of the joint statement emphasised the new areas of cooperation: "The sides noted the fruitful work carried out by the India-Russia Intergovernmental Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific, Technical and Cultural Cooperation which held its XVII session in Moscow on November 18, 2011. Decisions adopted by the Intergovernmental Commission and aimed at ensuring dynamic growth of bilateral economic ties focused on innovative and high-technology components, as well as investment projects that would contribute to the modernization and growth of both the economies. India welcomed Russia’s impending entry into the WTO. The sides decided to jointly study the possibility of a Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement between India and the Belarus-Kazakhstan-Russia Custom Union. The sides decided to actively exchange business missions in various fields of cooperation and to work out details on industrial modernization opportunities in India. They decided to explore the setting up of a joint investment fund and to promote greater cooperation between the regions of the two countries. The sides expressed satisfaction that several joint projects in the Hydrocarbon, Steel, Mining, Automobile, Fertilizer and Pharmaceutical sectors are currently being pursued."

 The idea is to take bilateral trade from the current 9 billion dollars to 15 billion by 2015.



Both  sides reiterated their commitment to implement their plans for a long term partnership in the field of peaceful nuclear energy.  The jpint statement said: "The sides noted with satisfaction the successful promotion of cooperation in the development of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes and reaffirmed their commitment to the highest standards of safety of nuclear technologies. The sides recognized the competence and rich experience of Russian organizations in design and technical assistance and of Indian organizations in the construction of nuclear power plants and their technical expertise. The sides looked forward to the early commissioning of the first two units at Kudankulam."

Clearly, India and Russia have a lot in common but both need to work more purposefully to realise the true potential of their old, time-tested friendship.


(This piece will appear in Purple Beret magazine's forthcoming issue)